Published  monthly  by  the 


American  Association  for  International  Conciliation. 
Entered  as  second-class  matter  at  Greenwich,  Conn., 
Post  office,  July  3,  1920,  under  Act  of  August  24,  1912. 


PRESENT  PROBLEMS  OF  THE  COMMONWEALTH 
OF  BRITISH  NATIONS 

CONFERENCE  OF  PRIME  MINISTERS  AND  REPRESENTATIVES  OF 
””  THE  UNITED  KINGDOM,  THE  DOMINIONS  AND  INDIA, 

HELD  IN  JUNE,  JULY  AND  AUGUST,  I92I 


OCTOBER,  1921 
No.  167 


AMERICAN  ASSOCIATION  FOR  INTERNATIONAL  CONCILIATION 
EDITORIAL  office:  407  WEST  II7TH  STREET,  NEW  YORK  CITY 
PUBLICATION  office:  GREENWICH,  CONN. 


It  is  the  aim  of  the  Association  for  International  Con- 
ciliation to  awaken  interest  and  to  seek  cooperation  in 
the  movement  to  promote  international  good  will.  This 
movement  depends  for  its  ultimate  success  upon  in- 
creased international  understanding,  appreciation,  and 
sympathy.  To  this  end,  documents  are  printed  and 
widely  circulated,  giving  information  as  to  the  progress 
of  the  movement  and  as  to  matters  connected  therewith, 
in  order  that  individual  citizens,  the  newspaper  press, 
and  organizations  of  various  kinds  may  have  accurate 
information  on  these  subjects  readily  available. 

The  Association  endeavors  to  avoid,  as  far  as  pos- 
sible, contentious  questions,  and  in  particular  questions 
relating  to  the  domestic  policy  of  any  given  nation. 
Attention  is  to  be  fixed  rather  upon  those  underlying 
principles  of  international  law,  international  conduct, 
and  international  organization,  which  must  be  agreed 
upon  and  enforced  by  all  nations  if  peaceful  civiliza- 
tion is  to  continue  and  to  be  advanced.  A list  of  pub- 
lications will  be  found  on  page  86. 


Subscription  rate:  Twenty- five  cents  for  one  year,  or 
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CONTENTS 


Summary  of  the  Transactions 5 

Opening  Speech  by  Mr.  Lloyd  George 25 

Opening  Speech  by  Mr.  Meighen  36 

Opening  Speech  by  Mr.  Hughes 38 

Opening  Speech  by  General  Smuts 51 

Opening  Speech  by  Mr.  Massey 58 

Opening  Speech  by  THE  Honorable  Srinivasa  Sastri  . . 71 

Statement  by  Mr.  Churchill  on  the  Colonies,  etc.  . . 75 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2017  with  funding  from 
Columbia  University  Libraries 


https://archive.org/details/presentproblemsoOOimpe 


339 


CONFERENCE  OF  PRIME  MINISTERS  AND 
REPRESENTATIVES  OF  THE  UNITED  KINGDOM, 
THE  DOMINIONS,  AND  INDIA, 

HELD  IN  JUNE,  JULY,  AND  AUGUST,  1921 

SUMMARY  OF  THE  TRANSACTIONS 
1.  Preliminary  Note 

The  proceedings  of  the  Conference  of  Prime  Ministers  and 
Representatives  of  the  United  Kingdom,  the  Dominions,  and 
India,  opened  at  10,  Downing  Street,  on  20th  June,  1921,  and 
were  continued  until  5th  August.  During  that  period  thirty- 
four  plenary  meetings  took  place,  which  were  normally  at- 
tended by  the  followng; 

Great  Britain 

The  Right  Hon.  D.  Lloyd  George,  Prime  Minister. 

The  Right  Hon.  A.  Chamberlain,  Lord  Privy  Seal. 

The  Right  Hon.  A.  J.  Balfour,  Lord  President  of  the  Coun- 
cil. 

The  Most  Hon.  The  Marquess  Curzon,  Secretary  of  State 
for  Foreign  Affairs. 

The  Right  Hon.  W.  S.  Churchill,  Secretary  of  State  for  the 
Colonies. 

Canada 

The  Right  Hon.  A.  Meighen,  Prime  Minister. 

The  Hon.  C.  C.  Ballantyne,  Minister  of  Naval  Service. 

Australia 

The  Right  Hon.  W.  M.  Hughes,  Prime  Minister. 

New  Zealand 

The  Right  Hon.  W.  F.  Massey,  Prime  Minister. 

I5] 


340 


South  Afnca 

General  The  Right  Hon.  J.  C.  Smuts,  Prime  Minister. 

The  Hon.  Sir  Thomas  Smartt,  Minister  of  Agriculture. 
Colonel  The  Hon.  H.  Mentz,  Minister  of  Defence. 

India 

The  Right  Hon.  E.  S.  Montagu,  Secretary  of  State  for 
India. 

His  Highness  The  Maharao  of  Cutch. 

The  Hon.  Srinivasa-Sastri. 

Secretariat 

Great  Britain 
Sir  M.  P.  A.  Hankey. 

Sir  Henry  Lambert. 

Sir  Edward  Grigg. 

Colonel  S.  H.  Wilson. 

Canada 

Mr.  C.  H.  A.  Armstrong. 

Australia 

Mr.  P.  E.  Deane. 

New  Zealand 
Mr.  F.  D.  Thomson. 

South  Africa 
Mr.  G.  Brebner. 

India 

Mr.  G.  S.  Bajpai. 

In  addition,  the  following  attended  meetings  for  the  dis- 
cussion of  subjects  which  particularly  concerned  their  re- 
spective Departments : 

The  Right  Hon.  Viscount  Birkenhead,  Lord  Chancellor. 

[6] 


341 


The  Right  Hon.  Sir  L.  Worthington-Evans,  Bart.,  Secre- 
tary of  State  for  War. 

The  Right  Hon.  H.  A.  L.  Fisher,  President  of  the  Board  of 
Education. 

The  Right  Hon.  F.  G.  Kellawa}',  Postmaster-General. 

Sir  Eyre  A.  Crowe,  Permanent  Under  Secretary  of  State 
for  Foreign  Affairs. 

Field-Marshal  Sir  H.  H.  Wilson,  Bart.,  Chief  of  the  Im- 
perial General  Staff. 

Sir  C.  J.  B.  Hurst,  Legal  Adviser,  Foreign  Office. 

Sir  B.  P.  Blackett,  Controller  of  Finance,  Treasury. 

Sir  G.  L.  Barstow,  Controller  of  Supply  Services,  Treasury. 

Major-General  Sir  F.  H.  Sykes,  Controller-General  of  Civil 
Aviation. 

Captain  E.  F.  C.  Lane,  Private  Secretary  to  General  Smuts. 

The  Right  Hon.  Sir  Robert  Horne,  Chancellor  of  the 
Exchequer. 

The  Right  Hon.  Lord  Lee  of  Fareham,  First  Lord  of  the 
Admiralty. 

Captain  The  Right  Hon.  F.  E.  Guest,  Secretary  of  State 
for  Air. 

.^.dmiral  of  the  Fleet  Earl  Beatty,  First  Sea  Lord  and  Chief 
of  Naval  Staff. 

Air-Marshal  Sir  H.  M.  Trenchard,  Bart.,  Chief  of  the  Air 
Staff. 

Sir  Phillip  Lloyd-Greame,  Director  of  Overseas  Trade 
Department. 

Sir  H.  Llewellyn  Smith,  Chief  Economic  Adviser  to  His 
Majesty’s  Government. 

Rear-Admiral  Sir  E.  P.  F.  G.  Grant,  First  Naval  Member 
of  Naval  Board  and  Chief  of  Australian  Naval  Staff. 

Captain  B.  E.  Domvile,  Director  of  Plans  Division,  Admi- 
ralty. 

Mr.  C.  Hipwood,  Mercantile  Marine  Department,  Board  of 
Trade. 

Mr.  L.  C.  Christie,  Legal  Adviser  to  Department  of  Exter- 
nal Affairs,  Canadian  Government. 

[7] 


342 


Apart  from  the  plenary  meetings,  the  Prime  Ministers  of 
the  United  Kingdom  and  the  Dominions  met  on  eleven  occa- 
sions, and  eight  meetings  of  Committees  were  held  at  the 
Colonial  Office. 

The  greater  part  of  the  proceedings,  particularly  that  relat- 
ing to  Foreign  Affairs  and  Defence,  was  of  a highly  confiden- 
tial character,  comparable  rather  to  the  work  of  the  Imperial 
War  Cabinets  of  1917  and  1918  than  of  the  Imperial  War 
Conferences  of  those  years.  Other  parts,  though  not  so  secret 
in  their  nature,  were  intermingled  with  matter  which  must 
for  the  present  be  kept  confidential.  In  regard  to  such  dis- 
cussions only  an  indication  has  been  given  here  of  their  gen- 
eral tenor. 

II.  Opening  Statements 

Mr.  Lloyd  George,  as  Chairman,  opened  the  proceedings 
with  a comprehensive  review  of  the  situation  in  which  the 
Conference  had  assembled.  He  outlined  its  tasks,  stated 
broadly  the  principles  of  policy  which  commended  themselves 
to  the  British  Government,  and  dwelt  upon  the  significance 
of  the  Conference  and  the  importance  of  its  work.  He  was 
followed  in  turn  by  all  the  other  Prime  Ministers,  by  Mr.  Sas- 
tri  for  India,  and  by  Mr.  Churchill  for  the  Colonies  and 
Protectorates.  This  preliminary  discussion  occupied  two 
days.  The  speeches  were  published  in  full  immediately  after- 
wards, and  are  attached  to  this  summary. 

HI.  Foreign  Policy 

The  Conference  then  addressed  itself  to  a detailed  con- 
sideration of  the  Foreign  Policy  of  the  British  Empire.  The 
discussion  on  this  was  opened  by  the  Secretary  of  State  for 
Foreign  Affairs,  who  made  an  exhaustive  statement  upon  the 
course  of  foreign  affairs  since  the  Peace  Conference.  His 
statement  was  supplemented  by  Mr.  Churchill,  who  dealt 
with  the  special  problems  of  the  Middle  East. 

There  followed  a series  of  important  discussions,  which 
were  largely  conversational  in  form,  each  representative  in- 

[8] 


343 


tervening  in  turn  as  occasion  prompted,  without  formality 
of  any  kind.  The  objects  in  view  were  threefold:  first,  that 
the  members  of  the  Conference  should  all  put  their  ideas  into 
the  common  stock  and  thus  gain  a thorough  understanding 
of  each  other’s  point  of  view;  second,  that  the  principal 
questions  of  foreign  policy  should  be  examined  by  this  means 
from  every  point  of  view;  and  third,  that  there  should  be  a 
free  and  full  discussion  of  the  general  aims  and  methods  to  be 
pursued.  The  discussions,  which  covered  the  whole  area  of 
foreign  policy,  and  extended  over  many  days,  proved  most 
fruitful  in  all  these  respects.  They  revealed  a unanimous 
opinion  as  to  the  main  lines  to  be  followed  by  British  policy, 
and  a deep  conviction  that  the  whole  weight  of  the  Empire 
should  be  concentrated  behind  a united  understanding  and 
common  action  in  foreign  affairs.  In  this  context,  very  careful 
consideration  was  given  to  the  means  of  circulating  informa- 
tion to  the  Dominion  Governments  and  keeping  them  in  con- 
tinuous touch  with  the  conduct  of  foreign  relations  by  the 
British  Government.  It  was  unanimously  felt  that  the  policy 
of  the  British  Empire  could  not  be  adequately  representative 
of  democratic  opinion  throughout  its  peoples  unless  repre- 
sentatives of  the  Dominions  and  of  India  were  frequently 
associated  with  those  of  the  United  Kingdom  in  considering 
and  determining  the  course  to  be  pursued.  All  members  of 
the  Conference  expressed  a vivid  sense  of  the  value  of  this 
year’s  meeting  in  that  respect,  and  a desire  that  similar  meet- 
ings should  be  held  as  frequently  as  possible. 

A precedent  created  by  the  Imperial  War  Cabinet  was  also 
revived  with  valuable  results.  From  1916  till  the  Armistice, 
the  Prime  Ministers  of  the  Dominions  and  the  Representa- 
tives of  India  frequently  sat  with  members  of  the  British 
Cabinet  to  determine  the  measures  necessary  for  the  prose- 
cution of  the  War.  This  method  of  procedure  was  also 
adopted  by  the  British  Empire  Delegation  during  the  Peace 
Conference  in  Paris,  when  all  cardinal  decisions  were  taken  by 
the  delegation  as  a whole.  In  accordance  with  this  precedent, 
the  Prime  Ministers  of  the  Dominions  and  the  Representa- 

[9] 


344 


tives  of  India  present  in  London  this  year  were  invited  to 
meetings  with  members  of  the  British  Cabinet  called  to  deal 
with  Imperial  and  foreign  questions  of  immediate  urgency 
which  arose  in  the  course  of  the  sittings. 

One  of  the  most  important  of  these  was  the  Upper  Silesian 
question,  which  during  the  session  of  the  Conference  assumed 
an  acute  form,  and  was  debated  at  each  stage  by  the  members 
of  the  Conference,  whose  interest  in  a matter  so  closely  af- 
fecting the  relations  of  Great  Britain  and  France  was  incon- 
testable. The  main  lines  of  British  policy  in  connection  with 
the  solution  of  this  problem  received  the  unanimous  approval 
of  the  Conference,  and  it  was  with  satisfaction  that  they 
heard,  before  the  termination  of  their  sitting,  that,  the 
preliminary  difficulties  having  been  resolved,  the  final  settle- 
ment of  the  question  of  the  Silesian  frontier  was  remitted, 
under  the  terms  of  the  Treaty  of  Versailles,  to  an  immediate 
meeting  of  the  Supreme  Council  at  Paris. 

The  problems  of  the  Western  Pacific  and  the  Far  East, 
together  with  the  Anglo- Japanese  Agreement,  were  also  fully 
discussed;  and  President  Harding’s  invitation  to  a Confer- 
ence on  Disarmament  was  warmly  welcomed  by  all  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Conference.  The  following  statement,  made  by  the 
Prime  Minister  in  the  House  of  Commons,  on  nth  July, 
represents  the  general  view  of  all  members  of  the  Conference 
on  the  main  issues  of  the  Pacific,  as  also  on  the  question  of 
disarmament: 

“The  broad  lines  of  Imperial  policy  in  the  Pacific  and 
the  Far  East  were  the  very  first  subjects  to  which  we 
addressed  ourselves  at  the  meetings  of  the  Impeiial 
Cabinet,  having  a special  regard  to  the  Anglo- Japanese 
Agreement,  the  future  of  China,  and  the  bearing  of  both 
those  questions  on  the  relations  of  the  British  Empire  with 
the  United  States.  We  were  guided  in  our  deliberations  by 
three  main  considerations.  In  Japan,  we  have  an  old  and 
proved  ally.  The  agreement  of  twenty  years’  standing 
between  us  has  been  of  very  great  benefit,  not  only  to  our- 
selves and  her,  but  to  the  peace  of  the  Far  East.  In  China 
[ 10  ] 


345 


there  Is  a very  numerous  people,  with  great  potentialities, 
who  esteem  our  friendship  highly,  and  whose  interests  we, 
on  our  side,  desire  to  assist  and  advance.  In  the  United 
States  we  see  to-day,  as  we  have  always  seen,  the  people 
closest  to  our  own  aims  and  ideals  with  whom  it  is  for  us, 
not  merely  a desire  and  an  interest,  but  a deeply-rooted 
instinct  to  consult  and  co-operate.  Those  were  the  main 
considerations  in  our  meetings,  and  upon  them  we  were 
unanimous.  The  object  of  our  discussions  was  to  find  a 
method  combining  all  these  three  factors  in  a policy  which 
would  remove  the  danger  of  heavy  naval  expenditure  in 
the  Pacific,  with  all  the  evils  which  such  an  expenditure 
entails,  and  would  ensure  the  development  of  all  legiti- 
mate national  interests  of  the  Far  East. 

“We  had,  in  the  first  place,  to  ascertain  our  exact  posi- 
tion with  regard  to  the  Anglo- Japanese  Agreement.  There 
had  been  much  doubt  as  to  whether  the  notification  to  the 
League  of  Nations  made  last  July  constituted  a denuncia- 
tion of  the  Agreement  in  the  sense  of  clause  6.  If  it  did,  it 
would  have  been  necessary  to  decide  upon  some  interim 
measure  regarding  the  Agreement  pending  fuller  discus- 
sions with  the  other  Pacific  Powers,  and  negotiations  with 
this  object  in  view  were,  in  point  of  fact,  already  in  prog- 
ress. If,  on  the  other  hand,  it  did  not,  the  Agreement 
would  remain  in  force  until  denounced,  whether  by  Japan 
or  by  ourselves,  and  would  not  be  actually  determined  until 
twelve  months  from  the  date  when  notice  of  denunciation 
was  given.  The  Japanese  Government  took  the  view  that 
no  notice  of  denunciation  had  yet  been  given.  This  view 
was  shared  by  the  Secretary  cf  State  for  Foreign  Affairs; 
but,  as  considerable  doubt  existed,  we  decided,  after  a 
preliminary  discussion  in  the  Imperial  Cabinet,  to  refer 
the  question  to  the  Lord  Chancellor,  who  considered  it 
with  the  Law  Officers  of  the  Crown,  and  held  that  no 
notice  of  denunciation  had  yet  been  given. 

“It  follows  that  the  Anglo-Japanese  Agreement  remains 
in  force  unless  it  is  denounced,  and  will  lapse  only  at  the 

in] 


346 


expiration  of  twelve  months  from  the  time  when  notice 
of  denunciation  is  given.  It  is,  however,  the  desire  of 
both  the  British  Empire  and  Japan  that  the  Agreement 
should  be  brought  into  complete  harmony  with  the  Cove- 
nant of  the  League  of  Nations,  and  that  wherever  the 
Covenant  and  the  Agreement  are  inconsistent,  the  terms 
of  the  Covenant  shall  prevail.  Notice  to  this  effect  has  now 
been  given  to  the  League. 

“The  broader  discussion  of  Far  Eastern  and  Pacific 
policy  to  which  we  then  turned  showed  general  agreement 
on  the  main  lines  of  the  course  which  the  Imperial  Cabinet 
desired  to  pursue.  I have  already  explained  that  the 
first  principle  of  our  policy  was  friendly  co-operation  with 
the  United  States.  We  are  all  convinced  that  upon  this, 
more  than  any  single  factor,  depends  the  peace  and  well- 
being of  the  world.  We  also  desire,  as  I have  stated,  to 
maintain  our  close  friendship  and  co-operation  with  Japan. 
The  greatest  merit  of  that  valuable  friendship  is  that  it 
harmonizes  the  influence  and  activities  of  the  two  greatest 
Asiatic  Powers,  and  thus  constitutes  an  essential  safe- 
guard to  the  well-being  of  the  British  Empire  and  peace 
of  the  East.  We  also  aim  at  preserving  the  open  door  in 
China,  and  at  giving  the  Chinese  people  every  opportunity 
of  peaceful  progress  and  development. 

“In  addition  to  these  considerations,  we  desire  to  safe- 
guard our  own  vital  interests  in  the  Pacific,  and  to  preclude 
any  competition  in  naval  armaments  between  the  Pacific 
Powers.  All  the  representatives  of  the  Empire  agreed  that 
our  standpoint  on  these  questions  should  be  communi- 
cated with  complete  frankness  to  the  United  States,  Japan, 
and  China,  with  the  object  of  securing  an  exchange  of 
views  which  might  lead  to  more  formal  discussion  and 
conference.  The  Secretary  of  State  for  Foreign  Affairs 
accordingly  held  conversations  last  week  with  the  Ameri 
can  and  Japanese  Ambassadors  and  the  Chinese  Minister, 
at  which  he  communicated  to  them  the  views  of  the  Im- 
perial Cabinet,  and  asked  in  turn  for  the  views  of  their 
[12I 


347 


respective  Governments.  He  expressed  at  these  conversa- 
tions a very  strong  hope  that  this  exchange  of  views  might, 
if  their  Governments  shared  our  desire  in  that  respect, 
pave  the  w-ay  for  a conference  on  the  problems  of  the 
Pacific  and  the  Far  East. 

“The  views  of  the  President  of  the  United  States  were 
made  public  by  the  American  Government  this  morning. 
It  is  known  to  the  House.  Mr.  Harding  has  taken  the 
momentous  step  of  inviting  the  Powers  to  a Conference  on 
the  limitation  of  armaments,  to  be  held  in  Washington  in 
the  near  future,  and  he  also  suggests  a preliminary  meet- 
ing on  Pacific  and  Far  Eastern  questions  between  the 
Powers  most  directly  interested  in  the  peace  and  w'elfare 
of  that  great  region,  which  is  assuming  the  first  importance 
in  international  affairs.  I need  not  say  that  we  welcome 
with  the  utmost  pleasure  President  Harding’s  wise  and 
courteous  initiative.  In  saying  this  I know  that  I speak  for 
the  Empire  as  a whole.  The  world  has  been  looking  to  the 
United  States  for  such  a lead.  I am  confident  that  the 
House  will  esteem  it  as  an  act  of  far-seeing  statesmanship 
and  will  whole-heartedly  wish  it  success.  I need  hardly 
say  that  no  effort  will  be  lacking  to  make  it  so  on  the  part 
of  the  British  Empire,  which  shares  to  the  full  the  liberal 
and  progressive  spirit  inspiring  it.” 

In  accordance  with  the  suggestion  which  was  believed  to 
have  been  made  by  the  American  Government,  that  the 
Conference  on  Disarmament  should  be  preceded  by  friendly 
conversations  or  consultations  between  the  Powers  who  were 
principally  concerned  in  the  future  of  the  Far  East  and  the 
Pacific,  the  Imperial  Conference,  anxious  that  for  the  Anglo- 
Japanese  Agreement  should  be  substituted  some  larger  ar- 
rangement between  the  three  Great  Powers  concerned, 
namely,  the  United  States  of  America,  Japan,  and  Great 
Britain,  and  holding  the  firm  conviction  that  the  later  discus- 
sions on  disarmament,  to  which  they  attached  a transcendent 
importance,  could  best  be  made  effective  by  a previous  mutual 

1 13] 


348 


understanding  on  Pacific  questions  between  those  Powers, 
devoted  many  hours  of  examination  to  the  question  how  such 
an  understanding  could  best  be  arrived  at,  where  the  proposed 
conversations  could  best  be  held,  in  what  manner  the  repre- 
sentatives of  the  British  Dominions,  who  were  so  vitally 
affected,  could  most  easily  participate  in  them,  and  upon  what 
broad  principles  of  policy  it  was  desirable  to  proceed.  It  was 
difficult  for  the  Dominion  Prime  Ministers,  owing  to  the 
exigencies  of  time  and  space,  to  attend  at  Washington  late  in 
the  autumn.  On  the  other  hand, 'advantage  might  be  taken  of 
their  presence  in  England  to  exchange  views  with  represen- 
tatives of  the  other  Great  Powers  who  had  been  invited  to 
Washington  later  on.  It  was  in  these  circumstances  that  the 
idea  was  mooted  that  the  preliminary  conversations  or  con- 
sultations, to  which  the  American  Government  had  in  prin- 
ciple agreed,  should  be  held  in  London. 

When  it  transpired  a little  later  that  there  was  some  mis- 
understanding as  to  the  nature  of  the  preliminary  conversa- 
tions which  had  been  suggested,  the  British  Government,  in 
the  earnest  desire  to  remove  any  possible  misconception,  and 
to  meet  what  they  believed  to  be  the  American  views  at  each 
stage  of  the  impending  discussions,  volunteered  to  attend  a 
meeting  on  the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic,  at  which  the  agenda 
of  the  forthcoming  Conference  at  Washington  could  be  dis- 
cussed, and  a friendly  interchange  of  views  take  place  in 
order  to  facilitate  the  work  of  the  main  Conference  later  on. 
The  British  Prime  Minister  and  Foreign  Secretary,  together 
with  the  Dominion  Prime  Ministers,  were  prepared  to  attend 
such  a meeting,  if  invited  to  do  so  by  the  American  Govern- 
ment. 

The  Japanese  Government  signified  their  willingness,  if 
invited,  to  take  part  in  the  suggested  conversations. 

The  American  Government,  however,  did  not  favour  the 
idea,  which  was  accordingly  dropped. 

This  conclusion  was  viewed  with  the  utmost  regret  by  the 
members  of  the  Imperial  Conference,  who  had  devoted  no 
small  portion  of  time  to  the  working  out  of  an  arrangement, 

[14] 


349 


which  they  understood  would  be  equally  acceptable  to  all 
parties,  and  the  abandonment  of  which  could  not,  they  feared, 
be  otherwise  than  prejudicial  to  the  great  objects  which  all 
had  in  view.  At  no  stage  had  it  been  suggested  that  the  results 
of  such  a consultation  as  was  contemplated  should  either  antic- 
ipate the  work  or  tie  the  hands  of  the  Washington  Conference 
at  a later  date.  On  the  contrary,  holding,  as  they  do,  the  firm 
belief  that  without  a Pacific  understanding  the  Conference  on 
Disarmament  will  find  it  less  easy  to  attain  the  supreme  results 
that  are  hoped  for  by  all,  the  Imperial  Conference  made  the 
proposal  before  referred  to  anxious  to  remove  every  possible 
obstacle  from  the  path  of  the  Washington  Meeting,  which 
they  desire  to  see  attended  with  complete  and  triumphant 
success. 

IV.  League  of  Nations 

A discussion  took  place  in  regard  to  the  League  of  Nations 
during  which  Mr.  Balfour  explained  at  length  the  work  which 
had  been  carried  out  by  the  League  and  the  special  difficulties 
with  which  it  has  to  contend.* 

While  a more  equitable  distribution  between  its  members 
of  the  cost  of  the  League  was  considered  essential  to  its  future, 
there  was  general  appreciation  of  its  work  and  of  the  League’s 
claim  to  the  support  of  the  British  Empire  as  a step  forward 
in  the  regulation  of  international  affairs. 

V.  Egypt 

Close  consideration  was  given  to  the  question  of  British 
policy  in  Egypt,  and  the  future  status  of  that  countiqq  and 
general  agreement  was  reached  regarding  the  principles  by 
which  His  Majesty’s  Government  should  be  guided  in  the 
negotiations  with  the  Egyptian  Delegation. 

VI.  Imperial  Defence 
(a)  Naval 

Several  plenary  meetings  and  several  meetings  of  the 
Prime  Ministers  alone  with  the  Secretary  of  State  for  India, 

^Mr.  Balfour’s  statement  was  published  in  full  in  the  official  report  of  the 
Conference. 

[ 15] 


350 


were  devoted  to  considering  the  Naval  Defence  of  the  Empire, 
and  the  following  Resolution  was  adopted: 

“That,  while  recognizing  the  necessity  of  co-operation 
among  the  various  portions  of  the  Empire  to  provide  such 
Naval  Defence  as  may  prove  to  be  essential  for  security, 
and  while  holding  that  equality  with  the  naval  strength  of 
any  other  Power  is  a minimum  standard  for  that  purpose, 
this  Conference  is  of  opinion  that  the  method  and  expense 
of  such  co-operation  are  matters  for  the  final  determina- 
tion of  the  several  Parliaments  concerned,  and  that  any 
recommendations  thereon  should  be  deferred  until  after 
the  coming  Conference  on  Disarmament.” 

In  addition,  a number  of  useful  consultations  took  place 
between  the  Admiralty  and  the  Representatives  of  the  several 
Dominions  and  India,  at  which  were  discussed  such  matters 
as  the  local  co-operation  of  each  Dominion  in  regard  to  the 
provision  of  oil  tanks,  local  naval  defence,  etc. 

(b)  Military  and  Air  Defence 

A discussion  took  place  on  the  Military  and  Air  Defence  of 
the  Empire,  and  the  views  of  the  General  and  Air  Staffs  on 
the  principles  which  should  be  adhered  to  in  order  to  ensure 
co-operation  in  these  matters  were  laid  before  Ministers. 

VII.  Imperial  Commltnications 

The  question  of  improved  communication  throughout  the 
Empire,  including  Air,  Telegraphy,  Telephony,  and  Shipping, 
was  considered,  and  a special  Committee  under  the  chairman- 
ship of  the  Secretary  of  State  for  the  Colonies  was  appointed 
to  go  into  the  whole  question.  This  Committee  reported  to  the 
main  Conference,  and  eventually  the  following  conclusions 
were  arrived  at: 

(a)  Air. 

“The  Conference,  having  carefully  considered  the  report 
of  the  expert  Sub-Committee  on  Imperial  Communica- 
tions, are  of  opinion  that  the  proposals  contained  therein 
[i6] 


351 


should  be  submitted  for  the  consideration  of  the  Govern- 
ments and  Parliaments  of  the  different  parts  of  the  Em- 
pire. 

“On  the  understanding  that  the  cost  involved  will  be  in 
the  region  of  £i,8oo  per  month  they  recommend  that, 
pending  such  consideration,  the  existing  material,  so  far  as 
useful  for  the  development  of  Imperial  Air  Communica- 
tions, should  be  retained.” 

{b)  Imperial  Wireless  Scheme. 

“It  is  agreed  that  His  Majesty’s  Government  should  take 
steps  for  the  erection  of  the  remaining  stations  for  which 
they  are  responsible,  as  soon  as  the  stations  are  designed ; 
that  the  Governments  of  Australia,  the  Union  of  South 
Africa,  and  India,  should  take  similar  action  so  far  as 
necessary,  and  that  the  Governments  of  Canada  and  New 
Zealand  should  also  co-operate.” 

The  above  scheme  was  accepted  by  the  Prime  Minister 
of  the  Commonwealth  subject  to  giving  full  freedom  of 
action  to  Australia  to  decide  the  method  in  which  Aus- 
tralia will  co-operate. 

(c)  Shipping. 

As  regards  the  Report  of  the  Imperial  Shipping  Com- 
mittee on  Bills  of  Lading,  it  was  decided  to  adopt  the 
following  Resolution: 

“The  Conference  approves  the  recommendations 
made  in  the  Report  of  the  Imperial  Shipping  Committee 
on  the  Limitation  of  Shipowners’  Liability  by  Clauses 
in  Bills  of  Lading,  and  recommends  the  various  Govern- 
ments represented  at  the  Conference  to  introduce  uni- 
form legislation  on  the  lines  laid  down  by  the  Com- 
mittee.” 

A Resolution  was  also  adopted  to  the  effect  that,  pend- 
ing the  constitution  of  a permanent  Committee  on  Ship- 
ping, the  existing  Imperial  Shipping  Committee  should 
continue  its  inquiries. 

[ 17] 


352 


The  representatives  of  His  Majesty’s  Government  and 
the  Governments  of  New  Zealand  and  India  were  ready  to 
agree  to  a wider  resolution  recommending  the  constitution  , 
under  Royal  Charter  of  a permanent  Committee  to  carry 
out  the  duties  specified  in  the  Report  of  the  Imperial 
Shipping  Committee  dated  3rd  June,  viz.; 

(i.)  To  perform  such  duty  as  may  be  entrusted  to  them 
under  laws  in  regard  to  Inter-Imperial  Shipping,  appli- 
cable to  the  whole  or  to  important  parts  of  the  Empire ; 
(ii.)  To  inquire  into  complaints  in  regard  to  ocean  freights 
and  conditions  in  Inter-Imperial  trade  or  questions  of  a 
similar  nature  referred  to  them  by  any  of  the  Govern- 
ments of  the  Empire; 

(iii.)  To  exercise  conciliation  between  the  interests  con- 
cerned in  Inter-Imperial  Shipping; 

(iv.)  To  promote  co-ordination  in  regard  to  harbours  and 
other  facilities  necessary  for  Inter-Imperial  Shipping. 
The  representative  of  Canada,  however,  did  not  agree  to 
this  wider  resolution,  and  the  representatives  of  the 
Commonwealth  of  Australia  and  the  Union  of  South 
Africa  reserved  the  matter  for  further  consideration. 

The  position  as  regards  rebates  was  discussed,  and 
strong  representations  were  made  by  Dominion  Ministers 
in  regard  to  it,  but  no  resolution  was  passed,  it  being 
understood  that  the  matter  is  at  present  under  considera- 
tion by  the  Imperial  Shipping  Committee. 

(d)  Wireless  Telephony. 

The  present  position  regarding  the  development  of 
Wireless  Telephony  was  explained,  and  the  following 
Resolution  was  adopted ; 

“That  the  Radio  Research  Board  be  asked  to  investi- 
gate the  subject  of  Wireless  Telephony  and  to  report 
on  its  development,  whether  Governmental  or  private. 

“That  the  Postmaster-General  shall  supply  to  the 
Governments  of  the  Dominions  and  India  technical 
reports  showing  its  position  and  possibilities.” 

I18] 


353 


(e)  Cable  and  Wireless  Rates  for  Press  Messages. 

The  Special  Committee  on  Communications  received  a 
deputation  representing  the  Empire  Press  Union  and  the 
Newspaper  Proprietors’  Association,  and  subsequently 
Mr.  Robert  Donald,  Chairman  of  the  Empire  Press  Union, 
made  representations  to  them  on  the  subject  of  wireless 
telegraphy.  The  following  Resolution  was  agreed  to  and 
thereafter  adopted  by  the  main  Conference: 

“The  Committee  agrees  with  the  Resolution  passed  at 
the  Second  Imperial  Press  Conference,  held  at  Ottawa 
in  1920,  that  any  assistance  given  by  the  Governments 
of  the  Empire  towards  the  reduction  of  rates  for  Press 
services  by  wireless  and  cable  should  appear  specifically 
in  the  Estimates  of  Public  Expenditure,  and  should  be  so 
directed  as  not  to  affect  the  quality  of  the  news  service 
supplied  or  the  freedom  of  the  newspapers  so  served. 

“The  Committee  is  in  full  sympathy  with  the  object 
of  reducing  rates,  both  by  cable  and  wireless,  for  press 
messages,  and  recommends  the  most  favourable  exami- 
nation by  the  Governments  concerned  of  any  practicable 
proposals  to  this  end.” 

VIII.  Reparations 

The  Conference  agreed  that  the  Reparation  receipts  under 
the  Treaty  of  Versailles  should  be  apportioned  approximately 


as  follows;  . 

United  Kingdom 86.85 

Minor  Colonies .80 

Canada 4.35 

Australia 4.35 

New  Zealand 1.75 

South  Africa .60 

Newfoundland .10 

India 1.20 


[ 19] 


100.00 


354 


IX.  Position  of  British  Indians  in  the  Empire 

The  question  of  the  position  of  British  Indians  in  the  Em- 
pire was  discussed  first  at  a plenary  meeting  when  the  repre- 
sentatives of  India  fully  explained  the  situation  and  the  views 
held  in  India  on  the  subject.  The  question  was  then  remitted 
to  a special  Committee  under  the  chairmanship  of  the  Secre- 
tary of  State  for  the  Colonies.  At  a final  meeting  on  the  sub- 
ject the  following  Resolution  was  adopted: 

“The  Conference,  while  reaffirming  the  Resolution  of  the 
Imperial  War  Conference  of  1918,  that  each  community 
of  the  British  Commonwealth  should  enjoy  complete  con- 
trol of  the  composition  of  its  own  population  by  means  of 
restriction  on  immigration  from  any  of  the  other  commu- 
nities, recognizes  that  there  is  an  incongruity  between  the 
position  of  India  as  an  equal  member  of  the  British  Em- 
pire and  the  existence  of  disabilities  upon  British  Indians 
lawfully  domiciled  in  some  other  parts  of  the  Empire.  The 
Conference  accordingly  is  of  the  opinion  that  in  the  inter- 
ests of  the  solidarity  of  the  British  Commonwealth,  it  is 
desirable  that  the  rights  of  such  Indians  to  citizenship 
should  be  recognized. 

“The  representatives  of  South  Africa  regret  their  ina- 
bility to  accept  this  resolution  in  view  of  the  exceptional 
circumstances  of  the  greater  part  of  the  Union. 

“The  representatives  of  India,  while  expressing  their 
appreciation  of  the  acceptance  of  the  resolution  recorded 
above,  feel  bound  to  place  on  record  their  profound  con- 
cern at  the  position  of  Indians  in  South  Africa,  and  their 
hope  that  by  negotiation  between  the  Governments  of 
India  and  of  South  Africa,  some  way  can  be  found,  as  soon 
as  ma}'  be,  to  reach  a more  satisfactory  position.” 

X.  Empire  Settlement  and  Migration 
The  question  of  Empire  Settlement  and  Migration  was 
considered  by  a special  Committee  under  the  chairmanship 
of  the  Secretary  of  State  for  the  Colonies,  and  the  following 
Resolution  was  finally  adopted  by  the  Conference : 

[20] 


355 


“The  Conference  having  satisfied  itself  that  the  proposals 
embodied  in  the  Report  of  the  Conference  on  State- Aided 
Empire  Settlement  are  sound  in  principle,  and  that  the 
several  Dominions  are  prepared,  subject  to  Parliamentary 
sanction  and  to  the  necessary  financial  arrangements  being 
made,  to  co-operate  effectively  with  the  United  Kingdom 
in  the  development  of  schemes  based  on  these  proposals, 
but  adapted  to  the  particular  circumstances  and  conditions 
of  each  Dominion,  approves  the  aforesaid  Report. 

“The  South  African  representatives  wish  to  make  it 
clear  that  the  limited  field  for  white  labor  in  South 
Africa  will  preclude  co-operation  by  the  Union  Govern- 
ment on  the  lines  contemplated  by  the  other  Dominions. 

“(2)  The  Conference  expresses  the  hope  that  the  Gov- 
ernment of  the  United  Kingdom  will,  at  the  earliest 
possible  moment,  secure  the  necessary  powers  to  enable  it 
to  carry  out  its  part  in  any  schemes  of  co-operation  which 
may  subsequently  be  agreed  on,  preferably  in  the  form  of 
an  Act  which  will  make  clear  that  the  policy  of  co- 
operation now  adopted  is  intended  to  be  permanent. 

“(3)  The  Conference  recommends  to  the  Govern- 
ments of  the  several  Dominions  that  they  should  consider 
how  far  their  existing  legislation  on  the  subject  of  land 
settlement,  soldier  settlement  and  immigration,  may 
require  any  modification  or  expansion  in  order  to  secure 
effective  co-operation;  and  should  work  out,  for  dis- 
cussion with  the  Government  of  the  United  Kingdom, 
such  proposals  as  may  appear  to  them  most  practicable 
and  best  suited  to  their  interests  and  circumstances.” 


XI.  Empire  Patent 

A memorandum  prepared  in  the  Board  of  Trade  on  the 
demand  for  an  Empire  Patent  was  considered  by  a Special 
Committee  under  the  Chairmanship  of  the  Secretary  of  State 
for  the  Colonies,  and  the  following  recommendation,  which 
was  concurred  in  by  the  main  Conference,  was  agreed  to: 

[21] 


356 


“The  Committee  recommends  that  a Conference  of 
representatives  of  the  Patent  Offices  of  His  Majesty’s 
Dominions  shall  be  held  in  London  at  an  early  date  to 
consider  the  practicability  of  instituting  a system  of 
granting  Patents  which  should  be  valid  throughout  the 
British  Empire.” 

XII.  Nationality 

A memorandum  prepared  in  the  Home  Office  with  refer- 
ence to  the  nationality  of  children  of  British  parents  born 
abroad  was  considered  by  a Special  Committee  under  the 
Chairmanship  of  the  Secretary  of  State  for  the  Colonies,  and 
the  following  resolution,  which  was  finally  approved  by  the 
main  Conference,  was  adopted : 

“The  Committee,  having  considered  the  memorandum 
prepared  in  the  Home  Office  regarding  the  nationality  of 
ihe  children  born  abroad  of  British  parents,  commends  the 
principle  of  the  proposals  contained  therein  to  the  favour- 
able consideration  of  the  Governments  of  the  Dominions 
and  India.” 

XHI.  CoNDOMINITTM  IN  THE  NeW  HEBRIDES 

The  Condominium  in  the  New  Hebrides  was  discussed  by  a 
Special  Committee  under  the  Chairmanship  of  the  Secretary 
of  State  for  the  Colonies. 

XIV.  The  Proposed  Conference  on  Constitutional 
Relations 

Several  plenary  meetings  and  several  meetings  of  the  Prime 
Ministers  were  devoted  to  a consideration  of  the  question  of 
the  proposed  Conference  on  the  Constitutional  relations  of 
the  component  parts  of  the  Empire,  and  the  following  resolu- 
tion was  adopted: 

“The  Prime  Ministers  of  the  United  Kingdom  and  the 
Dominions,  having  carefully  considered  the  recommen- 
dation of  the  Imperial  War  Conference  of  1917  that  a 
special  Imperial  Conference  should  be  summoned  as  soon 
[22  ] 


357 


as  possible  after  the  War  to  consider  the  constitutional 
relations  of  the  component  parts  of  the  Empire,  have 
reached  the  following  conclusions: 

“(a)  Continuous  consultation,  to  which  the  Prime 
Ministers  attach  no  less  importance  than  the  Imperial 
War  Conference  of  1917,  can  only  be  secured  by  a 
substantial  improvement  in  the  communications  be- 
tween the  component  parts  of  the  Empire.  Having 
regard  to  the  constitutional  developments  since  1917,  no 
advantage  is  to  be  gained  by  holding  a constitutional 
Conference. 

“(b)  The  Prime  Ministers  of  the  United  Kingdom  and 
the  Dominions  and  the  Representatives  of  India  should 
aim  at  meeting  annually,  or  at  such  longer  intervals  as 
may  prove  feasible. 

“(c)  The  existing  practice  of  direct  communication 
between  the  Prime  Ministers  of  the  United  Kingdom 
and  the  Dominions,  as  well  as  the  right  of  the  latter  to 
nominate  Cabinet  Ministers  to  represent  them  in  con- 
sultation with  the  Prime  Minister  of  the  United  King- 
dom, are  maintained.” 

XV.  Address  to  His  Majesty  the  King 
The  Prime  Minister  was  asked  by  the  members  of  the 
Conference  to  present  the  following  humble  address  to  His 
Majesty  the  King: 

“We,  the  Prime  Ministers  and  other  Representatives  of 
the  British  Empire,  speaking  on  behalf  of  the  United 
Kingdom,  the  British  Dominions,  the  Indian  Empire 
and  the  British  Colonies  and  Protectorates,  desire,  on 
the  eve  of  concluding  our  meeting,  to  present  our  humble 
duty  to  Your  Majesty  and  to  reaffirm  our  loyal  devotion 
to  Your  Throne.  We  have  been  conscious  throughout  our 
deliberations  of  a unanimous  conviction  that  the  most 
essential  of  the  links  that  bind  our  widely-spread  peoples 
is  the  Crown,  and  it  is  our  determination  that  no  changes 
[23] 


358 


in  our  status  as  peoples  or  as  Governments  shall  weaken 
our  common  allegiance  to  the  Empire  and  its  Sovereign. 

“Knowing  Your  Majesty’s  deep  interest  in  all  that 
touches  Your  people’s  happiness,  we  trust  that  our  labours 
in  this  time  of  world -wide  unrest  may  be  satisfactory  to 
you  and  conduce  to  the  welfare  and  safety  of  Your  domin- 
ions as  well  as  to  the  peace  of  the  world. 

“We  pray  that  Your  Majesty  and  the  Queen  may  long 
be  spared  to  enjoy  the  affection  of  Your  subjects  and  to 
see  all  classes  equally  recovered  from  lh^  strain  and  sacri- 
fice of  the  War.” 

XVI.  Resolution  of  Thanks  to  Prime  Minister  and 
His  Colleagues 

The  Prime  Ministers  of  the  Dominions  and  the  Represen- 
tatives of  India  desire  to  put  on  record  their  deep  apprecia- 
tion of  the  large  amount  of  time  and  work  devoted  in  a time 
of  heavy  strain  by  the  Prime  Minister  and  his  colleagues  in 
His  Majesty’s  Government  to  the  Conference.  They  look 
with  great  satisfaction  upon  their  m.eetings,  which  have,  in 
their  opinion,  made  clear  the  lines  of  common  action  in 
Imperial  and  foreign  affairs  and  still  more  firmly  established 
the  free  co-operation  of  the  peoples  of  the  Commonwealth. 

XVII.  Appreciation  of  work  of  Secretariat 

The  Prime  Ministers  of  the  Dominions  and  the  Represen- 
tatives of  India  desire  to  put  on  record  their  great  apprecia- 
tion of  the  work  of  Sir  Maurice  Hankey  and  other  members  of 
the  British  Secretariat.  They  consider  that  his  efficiency  and 
that  of  his  staff  have  contributed  in  an  invaluable  degree  to 
the  success  of  the  Conference,  and  they  hope  that  his  assist- 
ance may  be  available  at  future  sessions  for  many  years  to 
come.  The  Prime  Minister  of  the  United  Kingdom  and  his 
colleagues  also  desire  to  express,  on  behalf  of  the  British 
Secretariat,  their  warm  acknowledgment  of  the  cordial  and 
most  efficient  co-operation  of  the  Dominion  and  Indian 
Representatives  on  the  Secretariat. 

[24] 


359 


APPENDIX  I 

OPENING  SPEECHES 
20th  June,  1921 

OPENING  SPEECH  BY  MR.  LLOYD  GEORGE 

Mr.  Lloyd  George:  Gentlemen,  I bid  3^ou  all  a hearty 
welcome  to  Great  Britain  and  to  Downing  Street.  It  was  only 
with  great  unwillingness  that  I asked  you  to  postpone  our 
first  meeting  until  to-day,  and  I hope  it  has  not  caused  any 
serious  inconvenience  to  anyone.  I am  deeply  grateful  to  you 
for  meeting  my  own  personal  difficulty  by  postponing  the 
Conference  for  a few  days. 

Since  we  last  met,  there  are  some  notable  gaps  in  the 
British  Empire  Delegation.  Our  last  meetings,  I think,  were 
held  in  Paris  at  the  famous  Peace  Conference.  My  old  friend. 
Sir  Robert  Borden,  has  laid  down  the  cares  of  office,  after 
long  and  sterling  service  throughout  the  War  and  throughout 
the  making  of  peace,  both  to  his  own  great  Dominion  and  to 
the  Empire.  I relied  a great  deal  upon  his  sane  and  ripe  judg- 
ment. I am  glad  to  hear  his  health  is  much  restored  and  I am 
sure  we  can  count  on  him  still  for  many  years  of  valuable 
service  in  any  work  which  he  decides  to  undertake.  In  his 
place  we  welcome  his  successor,  Mr.  Meighen,  who  is  no 
stranger  to  our  counsels,  because  he  was  with  us  at  the  meet- 
ings of  the  Imperial  War  Cabinet  in  the  summer  of  1918, 
though  this  is  his  first  appearance  as  Prime  Minister. 

By  General  Botha’s  death  the  whole  Empire  has  sustained  a 
heavy  loss.  He  was  a king  of  men,  one  of  the  greatest  and 
most  striking  figures  of  our  time,  and  I feel  certain  that  history 
will  endorse  our  high  contemporary  esteem  of  his  breadth  of 
vision  and  nobility  of  character.  South  Africa  and  the 
Empire  are  fortunate  in  that  his  mantle  has  fallen  on  his  dis- 

[25] 


360 


tinguished  colleague,  General  Smuts,  who  has  already  played 
a great  part  in  Imperial  Councils  during  the  War  and  in  the 
making  of  the  peace. 

Mr.  Hughes  and  Mr.  Massey  are  very  old  friends.  I believe 
that  we  three  enjoy  the  unenviable  distinction  of  being  the 
only  Prime  Ministers  who  took  part  in  the  War  and  who,  so 
far,  have  survived  the  troublesome  years  of  peace,  and  I am 
rejoiced  to  see  both  of  them  looking  as  3mung  and  fit  as  ever. 

Let  me  also  extend  a most  cordial  greeting  to  His  Highness 
the  Maharao  of  Cutch  and  to  Mr.  Sastri,  who  have  come  here 
as  representatives  of  the  Indian  Empire.  We  shall,  I know, 
find  them  wise  and  cogent  interpreters  of  the  Indian  point  of 
view  in  the  great  questions  which  we  have  to  discuss. 

May  I also  express  our  regret  that  the  Premier  of  New- 
foundland has  not  found  it  possible  to  be  present  at  our  delib- 
erations. 

The  Conference  falls  at  a time  of  great  stress  in  this  country 
and  of  serious  trouble  in  many  parts  of  the  world.  It  was  in- 
evitable that  the  nations  which  had  put  forth  such  colossal 
efforts  and  sustained  such  unparalleled  losses  of  life,  limb  and 
treasure  during  the  War,  should  feel  ail  the  consequences  of 
overstrain  and  exhaustion.  The  systems  which  perplex  the 
statesmen  of  all  the  belligerent  countries  at  the  present  time 
are  due  to  the  condition  in  which  the  nations  of  the  world  have 
been  left  by  the  great  War.  The  nerve  exhaustion  and  heart 
strain  which  characterize  such  cases  produce  a feverish  rest-, 
lessness  and  a disinclination  to  steady  labour  which  aggravate 
the  disease  and  retard  recovery.  Never  did  statesmanship  in 
all  lands  demand  more  patience  and  wisdom.  The  years  that 
followed  the  Napoleonic  wars  produced  similar  or  even  worse 
experiences.  In  this  country  the  distress  amongst  the  popula- 
tion was  very  much  greater  after  the  Napoleonic  wars  than 
it  is  at  the  present  moment.  As  a matter  of  fact,  in  spite  of 
great  unemployment  and  a good  deal  of  labour  unrest,  there  is 
no  actual  privation  amongst  the  population,  and  I attribute 
that  very  largely  to  the  self-sacrifices  made  by  the  more  well- 
to-do  of  all  classes  in  order  to  share  their  better  luck  with  their 

[26] 


36i 


less  fortunate  fellow-countrymen.  But  still  there  is  no  doubt 
at  all  that  the  War  has  produced  a state  of  things  from  which 
it  will  take  years  to  recover.  There  are  European  countries 
where  the  poverty  and  the  actual  dist.  ess  is  appalling  and  we 
are  doing  our  best  out  of  our  spare  means  to  assist.  But  in 
spite  of  a good  deal  that  is  discouraging,  I am  confident  the 
world  is  slowly  working  through  its  troubles;  there  is  an  in- 
creasing disposition  to  face  and  accept  the  facts  industrially 
and  internationally.  The  natural  disinclination  of  human 
nature  to  admit  unpleasant  facts  has,  at  home,  provoked  in- 
dystrial  troubles,  and  abroad,  fierce  outbursts  of  protest.  But 
gradually  the  world  is  passing  through  its  usual  experience 
of  first  of  all  denying  the  existence  of  palpable  realities  and 
then  settling  down  to  act  upon  them.  It  is  a distinctly  en- 
couraging fact  in  the  international  situation  that  there  is  an 
increasing  impatience  with  those  who,  from  whatever  motive, 
seek  to  keep  the  world  in  a state  of  turmoil  and  tension.  There 
is  a widening  and  deepening  conviction  that  the  world  must 
have  peace,  if  it  is  ever  to  recover  health.  Some  of  the  most 
troublesome  and  menacing  problems  of  the  peace  have  either 
been  settled  or  are  in  a fair  way  of  settlement.  You  must  have 
watched  with  close  interest  the  developments  of  the  last 
couple  of  years  in  Europe,  the  series  of  conferences  and  gather- 
ings and  assemblies  of  all  kinds  where  we  were  trying  to 
carry  out  the  terms  of  the  Peace  Treaty,  and  to  settle  the 
various  difficulties  that  arose  iii  consequence. 

There  were  two  questions  that  gave  us  great  anxiety.  One 
was  the  question  of  the  disarmament  of  Germany  and  the 
other  was  the  question  of  reparation.  There  were  other  im- 
portant questions,  but  these  were  the  two  questions  around 
which  most  of  the  controversies  centred.  The  disarmament  of 
Germany,  I think,  may  be  stated  to  be  a settled  problem.  The 
German  fleet  has  disappeared,  and  so  has  the  Austrian.  The 
German  army  has  disappeared  as  a great  powerful  force.  It 
numbered  millions;  it  now  numbers  little  more  than  100,000 
men.  It  had  tens  of  thousands  of  guns,  great  and  small;  it 
has  now  got  a few  hundreds.  It  had  an  enormous  number  of 

[27] 


362 


machine-guns  and  trench  mortars;  these  have  gone.  Millions 
of  rifles — they  surrendered  about  30  million  rounds  of  big 
ammunition — all  that  has  gone.  It  is  true  they  have  still  got 
some  rather  irregular  formations  which  we  have  not  succeeded 
in  completely  getting  rid  of.  It  is  not  so  much  Prussia  that  is 
giving  us  trouble  as  Bavaria.  That  difficulty  will,  I think,  be 
overcome  in  a very  short  time.  So  that  the  problem  of  dis- 
armament, which  was  a very  vital  one  because  so  long  as 
Germany  had  a big  army  and  big  armaments  there  was  no 
guarantee  of  peace,  will  disappear. 

The  other  problem  is  the  problem  of  reparation.  No  one 
knows  better  than  Mr.  Hughes  the  practical  difficulties  sur- 
rounding that  problem.  It  is  not  a question  so  much  of  adju- 
dicating claims;  it  is  a question  of  how  you  are  to  transfer 
payment  from  one  country  and  make  it  in  another.  As  Mr. 
Hughes  knows,  that  problem  baffled  all  our  financial  experts 
and  the  financial  experts  of  all  countries  in  Paris,  and  it  is 
only  after  two  years  that  we  hit  upon  an  expedient  which 
seems  on  the  whole  to  have  given  satisfaction  to  all  moderate 
and  practical  men  in  European  countries.  So  far  as  we  have 
been  able  to  gather,  that  is  the  view  of  the  Dominions.  We 
shall  probably  hear  something  about  it,  because  they  have  a 
very  direct  concern  in  it.  Germany  has  accepted  a very 
practical  plan  of  liquidating  her  liabilities.  France  has 
accepted;  Italy  has  accepted;  and  the  public  opinion  of  this 
country  has  also  accepted;  so  that  the  two  most  troublesome 
problems  are  either  settled  or  in  a very  fair  way  of  being 
adjusted. 

There  are  two  remaining  difficulties,  one  of  which  is  the 
fixation  of  the  boundaries  of  Poland,  partly  in  Lithuania,  and 
now  in  Silesia.  I am  not  going  to  anticipate  what  will  be  said 
upon  that  subject;  therefore  I am  only  mentioning  it.  The 
second  difficulty  we  have  had  has  been  the  making  of  peace 
with  the  Turkish  Empire.  Those  are  the  two  great  outstand- 
ing difficulties,  but  I am  very  hopeful  in  regard  to  both  of 
them.  Once  those  two  are  settled,  then  I think  we  may  say 
that  peace  has  been  made;  but  until  then  we  cannot  say,  in 

[28] 


363 


spite  of  the  fact  that  we  have  signed  Treaties  of  Peace,  that 
peace  has  been  made  and  established  in  the  world. 

The  first  essential  of  peace — a stable  peace — and  reconstruc- 
tion is  that  we  should  stand  by  our  Treaties.  There  are  those 
who  grow  weary  of  these  great  responsibilities,  and  who  speak 
as  though  it  were  possible  to  renounce  them  in  this  quarter  or 
in  that  without  injustice  to  other  peoples  or  detriment  to  our- 
selves. I venture  to  say  that  such  arguments  are  as  short- 
sighted as  they  are  false.  The  nations  and  peoples  of  the 
world  have  realized  their  interdependence  in  a measure  far 
greater  than  ever  before  the  War,  and  the  League  of  Nations — 
whatever  may  be  thought  of  the  provisions  of  the  Covenant- 
stands  as  witness  to  their  realization  of  that  truth.  No 
progress  can  be  made  towards  the  rehabilitation  of  Europe,  or 
the  establishment  of  permanent  peace  in  the  world,  except 
upon  the  basis  of  acceptance  of  Treaties  and  an  enforcement  of 
Treaties.  There  may  be  relaxations  here  and  there,  following 
the  discovery  of  new  conditions,  with  the  consent  of  all  par- 
ties. We  have  had  some  relaxations  of  that  kind— and  I think 
they  are  wise  modifications  of  the  Treaty — -in  the  matter  of 
allowing  more  time  for  payment,  and  more  time  for  disarma- 
ment; and  in  the  prosecution  of  war  criminals  we  made  a 
concession  to  German  national  susceptibilities.  There  have 
been  questions  of  that  kind  where,  by  the  consent  of  all  the 
Powers,  there  have  been  modifications.  But  the  Treaties 
must  stand  where  such  consent  is  not  forthcoming,  and  no 
signatory  should  have  the  right  to  override  any  part  of  a 
Treaty  to  which  we  are  all  parties.  The  British  Empire  from 
end  to  end  is  bound  by  honour  and  by  interest  alike  to  the 
Treaties  which  it  has  signed.  We  have  appended  our  signa- 
tures— all  of  us — and  we  must  honour  those  signatures.  Unless 
Treaty  faith  is  maintained,  an  era  of  disorganization,  increas- 
ing misery  and  smouldering  war  will  continue,  and  civilization 
may  very  easily  be  destroyed  by  a prolongation  of  that  state 
of  things. 

I propose  to  call  on  Lord  Curzon,  on  his  return,  to  give  the 
Conference  a comprehensive  survey  of  foreign  affairs,  and  I 

[29] 


364 


will  not  anticipate  his  detailed  statement  now.  But  I should 
like  to  refer  very  briefly  to  one  of  the  most  urgent  and  impor- 
tant of  foreign  questions — the  relations  of  the  Empire  with 
the  United  States  and  Japan.  There  is  no  quarter  of  the 
world  where  we  desire  more  greatly  to  maintain  peace  and 
fair  play  for  all  nations  and  to  avoid  a competition  of  arma- 
ments than  in  the  Pacific  and  in  the  Far  East.  Our  Alliance 
with  Japan  has  been  a valuable  factor  in  that  direction  in  the 
past.  We  have  found  Japan  a faithful  ally,  who  rendered  us 
valuable  assistance  in  an  hour  of  serious  and  very  critical  need . 
The  British  Empire  will  not  easily  forget  that  Japanese  men- 
of-war  escorted  the  transports  which  brought  the  Australian 
and  New  Zealand  forces  to  Europe  at  a time  when  German 
cruisers  were  still  at  large  in  the  Indian  and  Pacific  Oceans. 
We  desire  to  preserve  that  well-tried  friendship  which  has 
stood  us  both  in  good  stead,  and  to  apply  it  to  the  solution  of 
all  questions  in  the  Far  East,  where  Japan  has  special  inter- 
ests, and  where  we  ourselves,  like  the  United  States,  desire 
equal  opportunities  and  the  open  door.  Not  least  amongst 
these  questions  is  the  future  of  China,  which  looks  to  us,  as  to 
the  United  States,  for  sympathetic  treatment  and  fair  play. 
No  greater  calamity  could  overtake  the  world  than  any 
further  ac  centuation  of  the  world’s  divisions  upon  the  lines  of 
race.  The  British  Empire  has  done  signal  service  to  humanity 
in  bridging  those  divisions  in  the  past;  the  loyalty  of  the  King 
Emperor’s  Asiatic  peoples  is  the  proof.  To  depart  from  that 
policy,  to  fail  in  that  duty,  would  not  only  greatly  increase  the 
dangers  of  international  war;  it  would  divide  the  British  Em- 
pire against  itself.  Our  foreign  policy  can  never  range  itself 
in  any  sense  upon  the  differences  of  race  and  civilization  be- 
tw'een  East  and  West.  It  would  be  fatal  to  the  Empire. 

We  look  confidently  to  the  Government  and  people  of  the 
United  States  for  their  sympathy  and  understanding  in  this  re- 
spect. Friendly  co-operation  with  the  United  States  is  for  us 
a cardinal  principle,  dictated  by  what  seems  to  us  the  proper 
nature  of  things,  dictated  by  instinct  quite  as  much  as  by 
reason  and  common  sense.  We  desire  to  work  with  the  great 

[30] 


365 


Republic  in  all  parts  of  the  world.  Like  it,  we  want  stability 
and  peace,  on  the  basis  of  liberty  and  justice.  Like  it,  we  de- 
sire to  avoid  the  growth  of  armaments,  whether  in  the  Pacific 
or  elsewhere,  and  we  rejoice  that  American  opinion  should  be 
showing  so  much  earnestness  in  that  direction  at  the  present 
time.  We  are  ready  to  discuss  with  American  statesmen  any 
proposal  for  the  limitation  of  armaments  which  they  may  wish 
to  set  out,  and  we  can  undertake  that  no  such  overtures  will 
find  a lack  of  willingness  on  our  part  to  meet  them.  In  the 
meantime,  we  cannot  forget  that  the  very  life  of  the  United 
Kingdom,  as  also  of  Australia  and  New  Zealand,  indeed,  the 
whole  Empire,  has  been  built  upon  sea  power — and  that  sea 
power  is  necessarily  the  basis  of  the  whole  Empire’s  existence. 
We  have,  therefore,  to  look  to  the  measures  which  our  security 
requires;  we  aim  at  nothing  more;  we  cannot  possibly  be 
content  with  less. 

I do  not  propose  to  deal  in  any  detail  with  the  agenda  for 
this  Conference  to  day.  We  have  no  cut-and-dried  agenda  to 
present.  We  will  discuss  that  amongst  ourselves.  The  British 
Government  has  been  under  some  suspicion  in  some  quarters 
of  harbouring  designs  against  this  gathering  as  a Conference. 
We  are  said  to  be  dissatisfied  with  the  present  state  of  the 
Empire,  and  to  wish  to  alter  its  organization  in  some  revolu- 
tionary way.  Gentlemen,  we  are  not  at  all  dissatisfied.  The 
British  Empire  is  progressing  very  satisfactorily  from  a 
constitutional  standpoint,  as  well  as  in  other  ways.  The  direct 
communication  between  Prime  Ministers,  established  during 
the  War,  has,  I think,  worked  well,  and  we  have  endeavoured 
to  keep  you  thoroughly  abreast  of  all  important  developments 
in  foreign  affairs  by  special  messages  sent  out  weekly,  or  even 
more  frequently  when  circumstances  required.  Indeed,  at 
every  important  Conference  either  here  or  on  the  Continent, 
one  of  the  first  duties  I felt  I ought  to  discharge  was  to  send  as 
full  and  as  complete  and  as  accurate  an  account  as  I possibly 
could,  not  merely  of  the  decisions  taken,  but  of  the  atmos- 
phere, which  counts  for  so  very  much.  I have  invariably,  to 
the  best  of  my  ability,  sent  accounts,  some  of  them  of  the 

[31  ] 


366 


most  confidential  character,  which  would  give  to  the  Do- 
minions even  the  impressions  which  we  formed,  and  which 
gave  you  information  beyond  what  we  could  possibly  com- 
municate to  the  press. 

Another  change,  which  has  taken  place  since  the  War,  is 
the  decision  of  the  Canadian  Government  to  have  a Minister 
of  its  own  at  Washington — a very  important  development. 
We  have  co-operated  willingly  with  that,  and  we  shall  welcome 
a Canadian  colleague  at  Washington  as  soon  as  the  appoint- 
ment is  made.  We  shall  be  glad  to  have  any  suggestions  that 
occur  to  you  as  to  the  methods  by  which  the  business  of  the 
Dominions  in  London,  so  far  as  it  passes  through  our  hands, 
may  be  transacted  with  greater  dignity  and  efficiency,  though 
you  will  all,  I think,  agree  that  the  Empire  owes  much  to 
Lord  Milner  and  Lord  Long  for  their  services  in  the  Colonial 
Office  during  a period  of  great  difficulty  and  stress. 

We  shall  also  welcome  any  suggestions  which  you  may  have 
to  make  for  associating  yourselves  more  closely  with  the  con- 
duct of  foreign  relations.  Any  suggestions  which  you  can  make 
up)on  that  subject  we  shall  be  very  delighted  to  hear  and  dis- 
cuss. There  was  a time  when  Downing  Street  controlled  the 
Empire;  to-day  the  Empire  is  in  charge  of  Downing  Street. 

On  all  matters  of  common  concern  we  want  to  know  your 
standpoint,  and  we  want  to  tell  you  ours. 

I will  give  you  my  general  conception  of  the  mutual  rela- 
tionship in  which  we  meet.  The  British  Dominions  and  the 
Indian  Empire,  one  and  all,  played  a great  part  in  the  war  for 
freedom,  and  probably  a greater  part  than  any  nation,  except 
the  very  greatest  Powers.  When  the  history  of  that  struggle 
comes  to  be  written,  your  exertions  side  by  side  with  ours  will 
constitute  a testimony  to  British  institutions  such  as  no  other 
Empire  in  history  can  approach  or  emulate.  In  recognition 
of  their  services  and  achievements  in  the  War  the  British 
Dominions  have  now  been  accepted  fully  into  the  comity  of 
nations  by  the  whole  world.  They  are  signatories  to  the  Treaty 
of  Versailles  and  to  all  the  other  Treaties  of  Peace;  they  are 
members  of  the  Assembly  of  the  League  of  Nations,  and  their 

[32  ] 


367 


representatives  have  already  attended  meetings  of  the  League; 
in  other  words,  they  have  achieved  full  national  status,  and 
they  now  stand  beside  the  United  Kingdom  as  equal  partners 
in  the  dignities  and  the  responsibilities  of  the  British  Common- 
wealth. If  there  are  any  means  by  which  that  status  can  be 
rendered  even  clearer  to  their  own  communities  and  to  the 
world  at  large  we  shall  be  glad  to  have  them  put  forward  at 
this  Conference. 

India’s  achievements  were  also  very  great.  Her  soldiers  lie 
with  ours  in  all  the  theatres  of  war,  and  no  Britisher  can  ever 
forget  the  gallantry  and  promptitude  with  which  she  sprang 
forward  to  the  King  Emperor’s  service  when  war  was  declared. 
That  is  no  small  tribute  both  to  India  and  to  the  Empire  of 
which  India  is  a part.  The  causes  of  the  War  were  unknown 
to  India;  its  theatre  in  Europe  was  remote.  Yet  India  stood 
by  her  allegiance  heart  and  soul,  from  the  first  call  to  arms, 
and  some  of  her  soldiers  are  still  serving  far  from  their  homes 
and  families  in  the  common  cause.  India’s  loyalty  in  that 
great  crisis  is  eloquent  to  me  of  the  Empire’s  success  in 
bridging  the  civilizations  of  East  and  West,  in  reconciling  wide 
differences  of  history,  of  tradition  and  of  race,  and  in  bringing 
the  spirit  and  the  genius  of  a great  Asiatic  people  into  willing 
co-operation  with  our  own.  Important  changes  have  been 
effected  in  India  this  year,  and  India  is  making  rapid  strides 
towards  the  control  of  her  own  affairs.  She  has  also  proved 
her  right  to  a new  status  in  our  councils;  that  status  she 
gained  during  the  War,  and  she  has  maintained  it  during  the 
peace,  and  I welcome  the  representatives  of  India  to  our  great 
Council  of  the  Empire  to-day.  We  shall,  I feel  sure,  gain  much 
by  the  fact  that  her  sentiments  and  her  interests  will  be  inter- 
preted to  us  here  by  her  own  representatives. 

I have  given  you  my  view  of  our  relationship.  May  I just 
remind  the  Conference  of  what  our  unity  has  meant.  The  War 
demonstrated — I might  say,  revealed — to  the  world,  including 
ourselves,  that  the  British  Empire  was  not  an  abstraction  but 
a living  force  to  be  reckoned  with.  Who  would  have  believed 
before  the  War  that  the  Empire  outside  Great  Britain  would, 

[33] 


368 


in  an  hour  of  emergency,  have  raised  two  millions  and  more 
soldiers  and  sent  them  to  the  battlefield  to  serve  the  common 
cause,  side  by  side  with  the  United  Kingdom?  Even  the  ardent 
soul  of  Mr.  Joseph  Chamberlain,  in  his  most  glowing  mo- 
ments, never  predicted  so  impressive  a rally  to  the  Flag.  The 
opportune  revelation  of  the  reality  of  the  British  Empire  has, 
in  my  judgment,  altered  the  history  of  the  world.  Those  of  us 
who  know — and  many  if  not  most  of  us  sitting  at  this  table 
were  here  during  the  most  critical  hours  of  the  War  and  sat 
at  this  same  table — those  of  us  who  know  how  narrow  the 
margin  was  betWfeen  victory  and  defeat,  can  proclaim  without 
hesitation  that  without  these  two  million  men,  that  came  from 
outside  the  United  Kingdom,  Prussianism  would  probably 
have  triumphed  in  the  West  and  the  East  before  American 
troops  arrived  on  the  stage,  and  Lord  Curzon,  who  is  at  this 
moment  discussing  with  M.  Briand,  the  Prime  Minister  of 
France,  the  execution  of  a victorious  Treaty,  would  have  been 
discussing  how  best  to  carry  out  the  humiliating  conditions 
dictated  by  the  triumphant  war  lords  of  Germany. 

The  reign  of  unbridled  force  would  have  been  supreme,  and 
this  generation  would  have  had  to  spend  its  days  in  interpret- 
ing and  enduring  that  calamitous  fact  in  all  spheres  of  human 
activity  and  influence.  The  unregulated  unity  of  the  British 
Empire  saved  France,  Britain  and  civilization  from  that 
catastrophe. 

Our  present  troubles  are  bad  enough.  Victory  has  its  cares 
as  well  as  defeat.  But  they  are  ephemeral  and  will  soon  be 
surmounted.  Defeat  would  have  reversed  the  engine  of  prog- 
ress, and  democracy  would  have  been  driven  back  centuries 
on  its  tracks.  If  I may  venture  to  quote  what  I said  at  the 
Imperial  Conference  of  1907  when  Sir  Thomas  Smartt  and  I 
first  met — I think  we  two  and  the  present  Colonial  Secretary 
are  the  only  survivors — I ventured  to  say,  in  reference  to  the 
Empire : 

‘We  agree  with  our  Colonial  comrades  of  the  Dominions 
that  all  this  unity  is  worth  concerted  effort,  even  if  that 
effort  at  the  outset  costs  us  something.  The  federation 

[34] 


369 


of  free  commonwealths  is  worth  making  some  sacrifice  for. 
One  never  knows  when  its  strength  will  be  essential  to  the 
great  cause  of  human  freedom,  and  that  is  priceless.” 

I venture  to  say  that  that  prediction  has  been  gloriously 
proved  by  great  events. 

The  British  Empire  is  a saving  fact  in  a very  distracted 
world.  It  is  the  most  hopeful  experiment  in  human  organi- 
zation which  the  world  has  yet  seen.  It  is  not  so  much  that  it 
combines  men  of  many  races,  tongues,  traditions  and  creeds 
in  one  system  of  government.  Other  Empires  have  done  that, 
but  the  British  Empire  differs  from  all  in  one  essential  respect. 
It  is  based  not  on  force  but  on  goodwill  and  a common  under- 
standing. Liberty  is  its  binding  principle.  Where  that 
principle  has  not  hitherto  been  applied  it  is  gradually  being 
introduced  into  the  structure. 

It  is  that  willing  and  free  association  of  many  nations  and 
peoples  which  this  Conference  represents.  Think  of  what  we 
stand  for  in  this  room  to-day.  First  of  all  the  long  political 
development  of  the  British  Isles,  with  all  its  splendours  and  its 
pains,  the  crucible  from  which  the  framework  of  the  whole 
great  structure  has  emerged.  Canada,  British  and  French; 
South  Africa,  British  and  Dutch— -both  now  great  Dominions 
whose  unity  is  due  to  the  free  and  willing  combination  of  two 
proud  races  in  a single  nationhood.  Australia  and  New  Zea- 
land, British  civilizations  both,  but  planted  and  developed 
with  a genius  of  their  own  by  the  sheer  enterprise  and  grit  of 
their  peoples  in  the  furthest  antipodes.  India  a mighty 
civilization,  whose  ruleis  were  known  and  respected  through- 
out the  western  world  before  the  first  English  post  was  planted 
on  Indian  soil.  Side  by  side  with  these  the  wonderful  varied 
colonies  and  protectorates  in  their  different  stages  of  develop- 
ment, which  the  Secretary  of  State  for  the  Colonies  is  here  to 
represent.  In  all  the  marvellous  achievement  of  our  peoples 
which  this  gathering  reflects  I am  most  deeply  impressed  by 
the  blending  of  East  and  West — India  with  her  far  descended 
culture  and  her  intensely  varied  types,  so  different  from  ours, 
present  in  this  room  to  concert  a common  policy  with  us  in 

[35] 


370 


the  world’s  affairs,  and  to  harmonize,  as  we  hope,  still  more 
completely  her  civilization  and  ours.  It  is  our  duty  here  to 
present  the  ideals  of  this  great  association  of  peoples  in  willing 
loyalty  to  one  Sovereign,  to  take  counsel  together  for  the 
progress  and  welfare  of  all,  and  to  keep  our  strength  both 
moral  and  material,  a united  power  for  justice,  liberty  and 
peace. 


OPENING  SPEECH  BY  MR.  MEIGHEN 

Mr.  Meighen:  I think  we  might  utilize  a little  more  time 
to-day  in  hearing  statements  from  some  of  us  of  a general 
character  and  then  proceed  to  lay  down  the  agenda.  As  far 
as  I am  concerned,  I do  not  think  that  anything  I might  say 
in  advance  of  our  discussion  of  concrete  subjects  would  be 
of  sufficient  importance  to  warrant  a day  or  even  half-a-day’s 
adjournment  for  preparation.  I have  listened  to  the  illumi- 
nating introduction  'of  the  Prime  Minister,  and  I cannot 
bring  myself  to  think  that  such  a pregnant  and  impressive 
address  will  not  receive  full  publication. 

It  is  unfortunate  that  the  obligation  of  speaking  first  should 
fall  upon  me,  the  least  experienced  representative  of  the 
Dominions,  but  it  is  well  that  the  traditional  order  of  pre- 
cedence be  followed. 

The  Prime  Minister  referred  to  conditions  in  the  British 
Isles,  which,  of  course,  we  all  from  the  various  Dominions 
watch  with  great  interest.  The  words  of  encouragement  which 
he  gave  were  very  welcome  to  my  ears.  In  Canada  we  do  not 
suffer  in  the  same  degree  from  unemployment,  but  none  the 
less  we  have  much  more  than  the  normal.  The  extent  and 
proportion  of  our  agricultural  population  is  such  that  we  have 
in  our  belief  less  unrest  than  in  most  countries,  and  we  feel 
also  that  our  comprehensive  and  reasonably  generous  policy 
towards  returned  men,  particularly  to  those  entering  upon 
agriculture,  has  reduced  the  evil  in  that  respect. 

The  information  that  the  Prime  Minister  has  given  as  to  the 
progress  of  peace  negotiations,  or  rather  the  re-establishment 
of  actual  peace  upon  the  basis  of  the  peace  treaties,  is  indeed 

[36] 


371 


encouraging.  I feared  myself  that  he  would  not  be  able  to 
make  quite  so  gratifying  a report. 

As  to  the  observations  he  made  on  the  principles  to  be  kept 
in  mind  in  our  deliberations  on  the  Japanese  Treaty  and  its 
renewal,  we  cannot  over-estimate  their  importance.  Possibly 
in  the  outlying  Dominions  we  are  not  disposed  to  give  the 
same  attention  to  one  feature  which  he  draws  attention  to,  the 
paramount  necessity  of  seeing  to  it  that  no  step  is  taken  that 
leaves  out  of  mind  the  importance  of  mitigating  racial  divi- 
sions. What  I have  to  say  as  to  this  subject  will,  of  course,  be 
more  appropriate  later.  All  I can  do  now  is  to  assure  you  that 
I,  representing  Canada,  approach  this  question  with  a full 
sense  of  responsibility,  and  in  seeking  to  interpret  what  I 
believe  is  the  prevailing  opinion  of  my  country  on  the  subject, 
I do  so  with  a firm  resolve  to  reach,  if  it  can  be  reached, 
common  ground  with  all  representatives  here. 

The  Prime  Minister  referred  to  suspicions  that  had  been 
generated  of  designs  on  the  autonomy  of  the  Dominions, 
conspiracies  to  bring  about  revolutionary  changes  in  our 
Constitutional  relations.  I may  say  thaf  I do  not  think  any 
responsible  representative  of  any  Dominion,  I am  quite  certain 
of  Canada,  requires  to  have  his  mind  cleansed  of  evil  thought 
in  that  respect. 

It  is  due  to  the  Conference,  and  particularly  the  Prime 
Minister,  that  I should  gratefully  acknowledge  here  his 
striking  and  memorable  words  in  referring  to  the  services 
rendered  by  the  British  Dominions  and  India  during  the  late 
War.  No  finer  expression  of  the  feelings  of  the  people  of  the 
British  Isles  has  been  uttered,  and  I feel  that  his  valued 
tribute  will  be  long  remembered  throughout  the  length  and 
breadth  of  the  Empire. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  as  to  the  value  of  Conferences  such 
as  this.  The  whole  progress  of  the  world,  particularly  since 
the  War,  has  emphasized  the  value  of  conferences.  Indeed,  it 
is  the  method  that  has  been  incorporated  as  the  very  basis 
of  the  new  order  which  the  world  is  seeking  to  establish 
whether  under  the  name  of  the  League  of  Nations,  or  under 

[37] 


372 


some  other  name  or  under  no  name  at  all.  For  ourselves,  of 
course,  for  this  Britannic  Commonwealth  of  nations,  this 
method  or  principle  has  a peculiar  significance.  We  are  united 
by  the  history  of  our  being,  by  a mutual  trust,  and  by  a 
fundamental  intention  to  preserve  a common  allegiance.  We 
therefore  confer  under  conditions  particularly  favourable  to 
free  and  open  communication  one  with  another,  and  in  an 
atmosphere  of  complete  mutual  confidence. 

There  are  two  conditions  of  success  that  I think  of  impor- 
tance, though  perhaps  they  are  only  partly  under  our  control. 
If  our  conclusions  are  to  be  sound,  and  being  sound,  to  be  acted 
upon,  they  must  be  accorded  not  only  general  support,  but 
intelligent  support  throughout  the  countries  we  represent.  It 
is  therefore  essential  that  we  fully  inform  the  public  of  our 
proceedings.  There  may,  in  respect  of  some  questions,  be 
limitations;  we  shall  indeed  at  times  be  bound  to  respect  what 
may  be  called  the  right  of  privacy  of  Governments  and  peoples 
other  than  our  own.  The  problem  is  not  a simple  one,  but  I 
venture  to  suggest  that  it  is  better  in  the  long  run  to  err  on  the 
side  of  publicity  than  on  the  side  of  secrecy.  The  other  con- 
dition is  that  such  conferences  as  these  should  be  as  frequent 
and  as  regular  as  the  growing  necessities  of  inter-Dominion 
and  inter-Empire  relations  demand.  Time,  I know,  is  impor- 
tant. It  is  difficult  for  Canadian  Ministers  to  be  absent,  and 
that  difficulty  is  accentuated  in  the  case  of  Ministers  of  other 
Dominions.  The  expeditious  despatch  of  business  while 
here  will  assist  all  round. 

I shall  reserve  any  further  remarks  until  we  reach  the 
discussion  of  the  definite  subjects  that  are  to  be  brought 
before  us, 

2ist  June,  1921 

OPENING  SPEECH  BY  MR.  HUGHES 

Mr.  Hughes;  I desire  to  congratulate  you  on  the  admirable 
review  of  the  position  that  you  presented  to  us  yesterday.  I 
am  sure  it  was  most  valuable  as  well  as  most  interesting.  We 
were  all  very  glad  to  learn  from  you.  Sir,  that  though  the 

[38] 


373 


adjustment  of  those  matters  which  arose  out  of  the  War  is  not 
yet  complete,  all  our  obligations,  and  our  ex-enemies’  obliga- 
tions under  the  Treaty,  were  in  a fair  way  of  being  fulfilled. 
We  recognize  that  there  are  difficulties,  and  that  it  is  not  easy 
to  satisfy  those  who  preach  a counsel  of  perfection,  but  I think 
we  ought  to  congratulate  you  and  the  Government  on  having, 
during  these  last  two  years,  weathered  a great  storm  full  of 
menacing  possibilities,  and  though  it  would  savour  of  too  much 
optimism  to  say  that  we  had  yet  reached  the  haven,  still,  on 
the  whole,  we  have  much  to  be  thankful  for.  I very  sincerely 
congratulate  you  as  the  head  of  the  Government  of  the 
United  Kingdom. 

You  have  asked  us  to  consider  and  review  the  situation  as 
it  presents  itself  to  us,  and  I think  we  may  do  this  with 
advantage  before  we  pass  on  to  the  discussion  of  the  various 
questions,  or,  indeed,  decide  the  order  in  which  we  are  to 
discuss  them.  The  circumstances  of  this.  Conference  are  in 
themselves  sufficiently  remarkable.  This  is  the  first  time  we 
have  met  since  the  dark  shadow  of  the  great  War  has  been 
lifted,  and  we  are  showing  to  the  world  and  to  the  various 
parts  of  the  Empire  that  those  counsels  which  we  took  together 
during  the  War  were  not  ephemeral  expedients,  but  that  we  are 
resolved  to  continue  along  that  path  in  company,  being  guided 
by  each  other’s  counsel  and  believing  firmly  that  in  co- 
operation and  in  unity  lies  the  safety  of  all,  and,  in  no  small 
degree,  the  peace  and  welfare  of  the  world. 

Well,  Sir,  we  are  here — some  of  us  have  come  very  great 
distances,  and  all  have  come  at  great  personal  inconvenience. 
Some  of  us,  like  Mr.  Massey  and  myself,  have  come  12,000 
miles.  We  have  each  given  our  views  to  our  representative 
Parliaments  as  to  what  this  Conference  intends,  or  hopes,  to 
do.  Much  is  expected  from  us,  and  I do  venture  earnestly  to 
hope  that  this  Conference  will  do  something  which  will 
convince  the  people  that  we  have  found  a practical  and  sure 
way  of  bridging  that  apparently  impossible  chasm  which 
divides  complete  autonomy  of  the  several  parts  of  the  Empire 
from  united  action  upon  matters  affecting  us  all. 

1 39] 


374 


That  we  must  do  something  is  essential  if  this  Conference 
is  not  to  be  a last  magnificent  flare  of  a dying  illumination. 
I am  sure,  Sir,  you  will  realize  how  difficult  it  is  for  us  to  leave 
a Parliament  for  five  or  six  months.  I shall  not,  I hope,  be 
suspected  of  trespassing  upon  the  sacred  domain  of  domestic 
politics  if  I ask  you  just  to  conjure  up  in  that  vivid  Celtic 
mind  of  yours — as  I do  in  mine — the  possibility  of  your  being 
away  for  six  months. 

Now,  amongst  the  great  problems  that  are  to  be  considered 
three  stand  out.  You  referred  to  all  of  them  yesterday.  They 
are: — Foreign  Policy  in  general,  the  Anglo- Japanese  Treaty 
in  particular,  and  Naval  Defence.  There  are  other  problems, 
of  course,  which  are  intimately  associated  with  these.  If  we 
are  to  give  effect  to  the  principle,  which  I take  it  has  already 
been  accepted,  viz.,  the  right  of  the  Dominions  to  sit  at  the 
Council  table  on  a footing  of  equality,  and  to  discuss  with  you 
and  the  other  representatives  the  question  of  the  Foreign 
Policy  of  the  Empire — these  also  must  be  not  only  considered, 
but  settled.  I do  not  think  I am  misinterpreting  the  opinions 
of  all  my  friends  here  when  I say  that  this  voice,  this  share,  in 
the  Council  of  the  Empire  in  regard  to  foreign  policy  must  be 
a real  one,  must  be  one  of  substance  and  not  merely  a shadow. 
This  involves  the  creation  of  some  kind  of  machinery,  and 
here  we  come  to  a very  difficult  position , to  which  I shall  refer 
very  shortly  later. 

We  are  now  asked  to  deal  with  foreign  policy,  and  in  order 
that  we  may  do  this,  you  have  said  that  Lord  Curzon  would 
review  the  present  position  of  foreign  affairs.  We  shall  await 
that  statement  with  great  interest.  The  whole  Empire  is 
concerned  in  foreign  policy,  though  this  was  for  many  years 
regarded  as  the  sole  prerogative  of  Great  Britain.  Wars  are 
hatched  by  foreign  policy.  No  one  is  able  to  say  that  any  act 
affecting  foreign  nations  will  not,  in  the  fullness  of  time,  lead 
to  war.  No  one  is  able  to  say  that  the  most  apparently  trivial 
and  innocent  action  will  not  involve  us  in  international 
turmoil,  and  in  the  fullness  of  time  bring  us  to  the  bloody 
plains  of  war.  So,  when  we  see  on  every  side  the  British  line — 

[40] 


375 


or,  if  you  like,  the  line  of  this  Commonwealth  of  British 
nations — being  lengthened  and  the  line  of  defence  necessarily 
thinned,  the  points  of  potential  danger  multiplied — we  are 
naturally  uneasy.  We  have  seen  that  a cloud  no  bigger  than  a 
man’s  hand  can  cover  the  whole  heavens.  And  so.  Sir — I 
speak  only  for  myself,  of  course — I am  sure  you  will  quite 
understand  our  desire  to  know  the  reasons  for  your  policy  in 
Mesopotamia,  in  Palestine,  in  Russia,  in  Egypt,  and  your 
policy  in  Greece  and  Turkey.  If  I have  singled  these  things 
out  it  is  not  because  they  cover  the  whole  field  of  foreign 
policy,  but  because  these  matters  are  perhaps  the  most 
obvious. 

Now,  if  we  are  to  have  an  effective  voice  in  the  foreign 
policy  of  this  country,  we  must  first  of  all  know  precisely  how 
we  stand,  and  the  reasons  for  the  policy  adopted  and  the 
extent  to  which  we  are  committed  to  it.  I start  with  the 
assumption  that  our  right  to  decide  foreign  policy  is  not 
denied.  Very  well,  let  us  consider  the  thing  under  two  heads— 
first,  in  regard  to  matters  of  foreign  policy  as  they  now  present 
themselves  before  the  British  Government,  and,  second,  in 
regard  to  policy  in  the  future.  We  can  express  our  opinions, 
and  if  needs  be  modify  the  present  foreign  policy  by  a full 
discussion  and  expression  of  opinion.  Decisions  am  be 
registered  and  given  effect  to.  But  the  position  in  regard  to 
policy  in  the  future  is  very  difficult.  Everyday  a new  situation 
arises  or  may  arise.  How  is  it  to  be  dealt  with?  We  shall  be 
scattered  to  the  four  quarters  of  the  earth.  How  are  the 
Dorninions  to  have  an  effective  voice  on  foreign  policy  when, 
as  things  stand,  they  can  only  be  told  after  things  have  been 
done  and  are  not  consulted  beforehand?  That  is  a question 
which  we  shall  have  to  consider.  I stated.  Sir,  at  the  outset 
that  other  matters  than  those  three  of  which  I spoke — Foreign 
Policy  in  general,  the  Anglo- Japanese  Alliance,  and  Naval 
Defence — will  arise  intimately  related  to  these,  and  that  we 
shall  have  to  discuss  them. 

I come  to  one  now.  You  yourself  said  yesterday.  Sir,  that 
direct  communication  between  the  Prime  Minister  of  Great 

[41  ] 


376 


Britain  and  his  colleagues  overseas  had  worked  well.  So  it 
has;  that  is  to  say,  the  principle  has  worked  well;  but  I think 
I ought  to  tell  you,  Sir,  that  it  is  rarely  that  one  does  not  read 
in  the  newspapers,  sometimes  a day,  sometimes  more  than  a 
day,  before  receiving  your  telegrams,  a very  good  imitation 
of  their  substance.  This  arises  through  the  great  delay  in  the 
transmission  of  messages. 

I am  not  going  into  details  now — I have  set  this  matter 
down  on  the  agenda — but  I want  to  say  that  it  is  absolutely 
essential,  if  we  are  going  to  have  any  effective  voice  in  foreign 
policy,  that  we  shall  be  in  the  closest  possible  touch  with  you 
and  with  each  other,  and  that  we  shall  know,  not  when  the 
thing  is  done,  but  before  the  thing  is  done,  what  is  intended,  or 
what  is  desired  to  be  done.  This  is  essential  because  in  foreign 
policy,  as,  indeed,  in  many  cases  in  domestic  policy,  you 
cannot  delay.  Action  is  imperative.  A thing  that  is  possible 
to-day  is  impossible  to-morrow,  and  action  must  be  taken.  So, 
if  we  are  going  to  have  a real  voice  in  foreign  policy,  then  we 
must  have  improved  communication — means  whereby  you 
will  be  able  to  communicate  quickly  with  your  colleagues 
overseas,  and  they  with  you  and  with  each  other.  That  is 
absolutely  essential.  When  we  come  to  that  item  on  the 
agenda  paper,  I shall  show  you,  in  one  or  two  ways,  how  some 
improvement  may  be  made.  But  I confess  that  all  I can 
suggest  falls  very  far  short  of  that  ideal  condition  of  things 
which  one  would  desire. 

Now  I leave  foreign  policy  in  general,  and  come  to  the 
Anglo-Japanese  Treaty.  Here  we  are  dealing  with  a matter 
definite  and  urgent.  It  is  not  a thing  to  be  settled  in  the  future, 
but  now.  The  British  Government  has  only  postponed  settle- 
ment in  order  that  the  matter  might  be  dealt  with  round 
this  table.  It  is  an  urgent  matter.  It  must  be  settled  without 
delay.  The  attitude  of  Australia  towards  it  has  been  quite 
clearly  stated.  We  have  not  a clean  slate  before  us.  If  we 
had  to  consider  for  the  first  time  whether  we  should  have  a 
Treaty  with  Japan,  the  position  might  be  very  different.  We 
have  not.  For  many  years  a Treaty  has  existed  between 

[42] 


377 


Japan  and  Britain.  Its  terms  have  been  modified,  but  in 
substance  the  existing  Treaty  has  been  in  force  for  a long 
time.  No  doubt  it  cannot  be  renewed  precisely  in  its  present 
form.  It  must  conform  to  the  requirements  of  the  League  of 
Nations.  But  the  case  for  renewal  is  very  strong,  if  not  indeed 
overwhelming.  To  Australia,  as  you  will  quite  understand, 
this  Treaty  with  Japan  has  special  significance. 

Speaking  broadly,  we  are  in  favour  of  its  renewal.  But  there 
are  certain  difficulties  which  must  be  faced.  One  of  these 
arises  out  of  the  attitude  of  America  towards  this  Treaty.  I 
am  sure  I state  the  opinion  of  Australia  when  I say  the  people 
have  a very  warm  corner  in  their  hearts  for  America.  They 
see  in  America  to-day  what  they  themselves  hope  to  be  in  the 
future.  We  have  a country  very  similar  in  extent  and  re- 
sources, and  it  may  be  laid  down  as  a sine  qu&  non  that  any 
future  Treaty  with  Japan,  to  be  satisfactory  to  Australia, 
must  specifically  exclude  the  possibility  of  a war  with  the 
United  States  of  America.  It  ought  to  do  this  specifically,  but 
if  not  specifically  then  by  implication  so  clear  and  unmistak- 
able that  he  who  runs  may  read.  It  is  perfectly  true  that  the 
present  Treaty  does  this  by  implication,  but  not  so  plainly 
as  to  preclude  misinterpretation.  In  any  future  Treaty  we 
must  guard  against  even  the  suspicion  of  hostility  or  unfriend- 
liness to  the  United  States.  I hope  you  are  not  forgetting,  Sir, 
that  there  are  many  who  seek  to  misinterpret  the  intentions 
of  this  country,  and  to  confound  them  we  must  put  in  plain 
words  what  are  our  intentions.  That  being  so,  and  subject  to 
that  condition — which  is  not  a new  condition  at  all,  because 
Japan  has  accepted  the  position  for  many  years — ^Australia 
is  very  strongly  in  favour  of  the  renewal  of  the  Treaty.  As  I 
have  said,  the  Treaty  dearly  must  conform  to  the  provisions 
of  the  League  of  Nations  Covenant,  and  it  must  have  regard 
to  the  circumstances  of  the  world  to-day,  but  I think  it  ought 
to  be  renewed ; I am  strongly  in  favour  of  its  being  renewed.  I 
think  from  every  point  of  view  that  it  would  be  well  that  the 
Treaty  with  Japan  should  be  renewed.  Should  we  not  be  in 
a better  position  to  exercise  greater  influence  over  the  Eastern 

[43] 


378 


policy  as  an  Ally  of  that  great  Eastern  Power,  than  as  her 
potential  enemy?  Now,  if  Japan  is  excluded  from  the  family 
of  great  Western  nations — and,  mark,  to  turn  our  backs  on 
the  Treaty  is  certainly  to  exclude  Japan — she  will  be  isolated, 
her  high  national  pride  wounded  in  its  most  tender  spot.  To 
renew  this  Treaty  is  to  impose  on  her  some  of  those  restraints 
inseparable  from  Treaties  with  other  civilized  nations  like 
ourselves.  We  will  do  well  for  the  world’s  peace — we  will  do 
well  for  China — we  will  do  well  for  the  Commonwealth  of 
British  nations  to  renew  this  Treaty.  We  want  peace. 

The  world  wants  peace.  Which  policy  is  most  likely  to 
promote,  to  ensure,  the  world’s  peace?  As  I see  it,  the  renewal 
of  the  Treaty  with  the  Japanese  Empire.  Now  let  us  consider 
America’s  objections  to  the  renewal  of  the  Treaty.  Some  of 
these  relate  to  the  emigration  of  Japanese  to  America;  but 
the  hostility  to  Japan,  more  or  less  marked,  that  exists  in 
America  to-day,  cannot  be  wholly  accounted  for  by  this 
fact.  As  it  is  vital  in  the  interest  of  civilization  that  a good 
understanding  should  exist  between  America  and  ourselves, 
we  should  endeavour  to  do  everything  in  our  power  to  ascertain 
exactly  what  it  is  to  which  America  takes  exception  in  this 
Treaty.  We  ought  not  to  give  her  room  for  criticism  which  the 
world  could  support.  We  must  make  it  perfectly  clear  that 
the  Treaty  is  not  aimed  against  her,  and  that  it  could  never 
be  used  against  her.  War  with  America  is  unthinkable.  As 
the  contingency  is  quite  an  impossible  one,  it  need  not  be 
seriously  considered.  Yet  it  is  well  that  the  attitude  of 
Australia  should  be  made  quite  clear. 

Whether  it  would  be  wiser  to  invite  a Conference  with 
America  and  Japan,  to  ascertain  what  would  be  mutually 
acceptable,  is  a suggestion  which  I throw  out.  If  one  were 
quite  sure  that  America  desired,  or  was  prepared  to  accept, 
what  would  form  a reasonable  basis  of  an  Alliance  with  Japan, 
then  I certainly  would  strongly  press  the  suggestion.  But 
in  any  case  we  ought  to  try  and  ascertain  precisely  what 
America’s  views  are  on  this  most  important  matter. 

Now  I turn  from  the  consideration  of  the  Anglo- Japanese 

[44] 


379 


Treaty,  Sir,  to  a question  of  supreme  importance  which  you 
raised  yesterday,  and  it  is  one  which  is  related  both  to  the 
Anglo-Japanese  Treaty  and  to  Naval  Defence — I mean  the 
question  of  disarmament.  You  said.  Sir,  and  I am  sure  the 
world  will  be  very  glad  to  read  those  words  of  yours,  that  you 
would  welcome  any  suggestion  and  discuss  with  any  Power 
any  propositions  for  disarmament  or  limitations  of  armaments. 
Your  words  come  most  opportunely.  I think  this  is  the 
psychological  moment.  We  ought  not  to  underestimate  the 
value  of  this  Conference — it  is  no  use  denying  the  fact  that  in 
America  they  do  distinguish  between  England  and  the 
Dominions  in  a very  marked  way — and  a suggestion  coming 
from  you  backed  by  the  Dominion  Prime  Ministers  might 
gain  a hearing  where  the  voice  of  England  alone  failed.  After 
all,  the  distinction  which  Americans  draw  between  us  is  easy 
to  understand.  History  partly  explains  it.  They  see,  too,  in 
us  replicas  of  themselves.  They  see  us  struggling  and  fighting 
towards  the  goal  that  they  have  already  attained.  And  I 
think  they  are  right  in  supposing  that,  subject  to  that  deter- 
mination which  we  have  to  achieve  our  destiny  in  company 
with  each  other  and  with  Britain,  we  resemble  so  many 
Americas.  We  are  free  democracies.  We  want  peace.  We  at 
least  are  free  from  the  suspicion  of  Imperialistic  ambitions. 
The  world,  tired  of  war,  is  yet  neurotic,  its  nervous  system  so 
disturbed  by  war  that,  while  it  cries  aloud  for  peace,  force  is 
the  first  thing  to  which  it  turns  to  redress  its  grievances.  You 
cannot  expect,  you  cannot  hope  for  any  more  favourable 
moment  than  the  present.  If  you  fail  to  secure  agreement  for 
the  limitation  of  armaments  now,  how  can  you  expect  to  do 
so  in  the  years  to  come?  The  appalling  race  for  naval  suprem- 
acy has  already  begun,  although  the  fires  of  the  Great  War  are 
not  yet  cold.  It  creates  interest  in  the  various  countries 
where  this  suicidal  race  is  run.  This  vicious  rivalry  grows  by 
what  it  feeds  on.  Every  year  it  becomes  more  difficult  to  stop. 
Speak  therefore  now  on  behalf  of  this  gathering  of  Prime 
Ministers.  Let  us  give  the  world,  weary  of  war  and  staggering 
beneath  its  crushing  burdens,  a lead.  Invite  the  United 

1 45] 


38o 


States  of  America,  Japan  and  France  to  meet  us.  We  cannot 
hope  that  the  world  will  beat  its  sword  into  a ploughshare, 
but  at  any  rate  it  can  stop  building  more  ships.  Let  us  stop 
naval  construction  and  naval  expenditure  other  than  that 
necessary  for  the  maintenance  of  existing  units  without 
prejudice  to  what  may  be  agreed  upon  hereafter.  In  this 
matter,  the  first  step  is  everything.  If  the  world  resolves  to 
stop  making  any  further  preparations  for  war,  everything  is 
possible;  until  that  step  is  taken,  we  are  only  beating  the  air. 

Such  an  invitation  issued  with  such  authority  behind  it 
would,  I think,  find  great  support  in  America,  and  I hope 
and  believe  in  Japan  too.  In  ten  years’  time,  in  five  years’ 
time,  the  position  will  be  that  both  these  countries  will  be 
poorer.  They  cannot  continue  such  a competition  indefinitely. 
If  they  persist,  we  and  all  the  great  nations  of  the  world  must 
follow  their  example.  What  hope  does  such  a prospect  hold 
out  to  the  war-weary  world?  To  stop  naval  construction 
pending  a permanent  settlement  of  the  basis  for  naval  power 
will  not  prejudice  their  interests.  The  relative  strength  of  each 
will  not  be  affected  by  stopping  now.  I do  most  strongly  urge 
you  to  set  an  example,  speaking  as  you  will  be  able  to  do  on 
behalf,  not  merely  of  England,  but  on  behalf  of  all  those  free 
nations  whose  representatives  are  gathered  here.  Let  us  show 
to  the  world  that  these  young  nations  gathered  round  this 
table  have  resolved  to  make  their  entrance  into  world  politics 
by  setting  an  example  which  the  world  has  long  wanted.  I 
am  not  without  hopes  that  such  an  invitation  on  your  part, 
and  such  an  example  on  ours,  would  be  provocative  of  great 
good  and  prove  to  be  the  turning  point  in  the  world’s  history. 

I come  now  to  the  last  point  with  which  I intend  to  deal  at 
length,  and  that  is  Naval  Defence.  Whatever  may  be  agreed 
upon,  one  thing  is  clear,  that  we  must  have  such  naval  defence 
as  is  adequate  for  our  safety.  Naturally  the  amount  of  force 
necessary  to  ensure  our  safety  in  a world  which  has  agreed  to 
suspend  naval  construction,  a world  in  which  the  three  great 
Naval  Powers  have,  for  example,  come  to  such  an  under- 
standing as  would  have  the  force  and  effect  of  an  alliance, 

[46] 


38i 


would  be  much  less  than  in  a world  which  resounds  with  the 
clang  of  hammer  beating  into  shape  bigger  and  still  bigger 
navies.  That  applies,  too,  to  the  renewal  or  non-renewal  of 
the  Anglo- Japanese  Treaty,  but  in  any  case  we  must  have  such 
naval  defence  as  is  necessary  for  our  security.  The  War  and 
the  Panama  Canal  has  shifted  the  world’s  stage  from  the 
Mediterranean  and  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific.  The  stage 
upon  which  the  great  world  drama  is  to  be  played  in  the 
future  is  in  the  Pacific.  The  American  Navy  is  now  in  those 
waters.  Peace  in  the  Pacific  means  peace  for  this  Empire  and 
for  the  world. 

With  an  agreement  between  three  Great  Naval  Powers— -or, 
at  worst,  between  two — then  the  force  necessary  to  defend 
this  Empire  by  sea — and  that  it  rests  on  sea  power  is  certain, 
and  I am  never  tired  of  repeating  this  most  significant  fact 
to  those  who  are  apt  to  forget  how  the  British  Empire  came 
into  being  and  has  been  maintained — would  be  much  less. 
But  whatever  it  is  we  must  have  it. 

And  now  one  word  about  the  part  of  the  Dominions  in 
Empire  defence.  You,  Sir,  said  some  time  ago  that  Britain 
had  paid  so  dearly  for  victory  and  was  groaning  under  such  a 
crushing  burden  of  debt  that  it  could  no  longer  alone  be 
responsible  for  the  defence  of  the  Empire  by  sea  as  it  had 
heretofore,  and  that  the  other  parts  of  the  Empire  must  do 
their  share.  To  that  doctrine  I subscribe  without  reservation. 
I think  it  is  the  corollary  of  our  admission  into  the  councils 
of  the  Empire  to  determine  the  foreign  policy.  The  foreign 
policy  determined  or  approved  by  us  at  this  Conference  may 
lead  to  war.  In  any  case  the  foreign  policy  of  a nation  must 
be  limited  by  its  power  to  enforce  it,  whether  that  power  be 
wholly  resident  in  itself,  or  come  from  an  alliance,  or  from  the 
League  of  Nations.  The  ambitions  of  men  and  nations  are 
curbed  by  their  material  power.  In  our  case,  sea  power  is, 
and  must  always  be,  the  determining  factor  of  our  foreign 
policy.  Now  we  cannot  fairly  ask  for  the  right  to  decide  the 
foreign  policy  of  the  Empire,  and  say  that  we  will  have  no 
part  whatever  in  naval  defence,  we  will  not  pay  our  share.  If 

(47] 


382 


you  ask  me  what  is  our  share,  I say  frankly  that  I am  not 
prepared  at  this  moment  to  indicate  it.  We  can  do  that  when 
we  come  to  deal  with  the  matter  in  detail,  but  one  principle 
seems  to  emerge  and  it  is  this.  I do  not  think  that  our  share 
per  capita  should  be  as  great  as  Britain’s  share  per  capita, 
because  Britain  has  Crown  Colonies,  and  dependencies,  and 
India  to  defend.  But  whatever  is  our  fair  share  should  be 
borne  upon  a per  capita  basis  by  all  the  Dominions.  That,  I 
think,  is  the  only  fair  and  proper  basis.  If  the  converse  be 
conceded  for  a moment,  and  some  pay  more  per  capita  than 
others,  then  I do  not  understand  the  basis  of  union  amongst 
us.  Dangers  to  the  Empire  or  to  any  part  of  it  are  to  be  met 
surely  by  unity  of  action.  That  is  at  once  the  principle  upon 
which  the  Empire  rests,  and  upon  which  its  security  depends. 
The  Dominions  could  not  exist  if  it  were  not  for  the  British 
Navy.  We  must  not  forget  this.  We  are  a united  Empire  or 
we  are  nothing.  Now  who  is  to  say  from  what  quarter  dangers 
will  come  to  any  of  us?  It  comes  now  from  the  East  and  to- 
morrow from  the  West.  But  from  whatever  quarter  it  comes 
we  meet  it  as  a united  Empire,  the  whole  of  our  strength  is 
thrown  against  the  danger  which  threatens  us.  If  some 
Dominions  say  “we  are  not  in  any  danger,  you  are,  you  pay; 
we  will  not,  or  cannot,  contribute  towards  naval  defence,” 
an  impossible  position  is  created.  I cannot  subscribe  to  such 
a doctrine.  It  is  incompatible  with  the  circumstances  of  our 
relationship  to  Britain  and  to  each  other,  it  menaces  our 
safety  and  our  very  existence,  it  is  a negation  of  our  unity. 

I need  hardly  say  that  I do  not  believe  that  the  Dominion 
quota  for  naval  defence  should  be  expressed  in  terms  of  a 
money  contribution,  but  in  terms  of  Dominion  Navies.  This 
is  a point  upon  which  the  Admiralty  has  expressed  itself 
very  strongly,  and  the  suggestion  of  monetary  contribution 
is  not  to  be  seriously  considered.  In  any  case,  we  shall  be  able 
to  discuss  the  matter  when  naval  defence  is  being  dealt  with. 

I have  nothing  further  to  say  on  those  matters  to  which 
you  referred  yesterday,  but  reference  to  one  other  point  may 
be  permitted.  It  is  well  that  we  should  know  each  other’s 

[48] 


383 


views.  We  ought  not  to  discuss  things  in  the  dark.  It  has 
been  suggested  that  a Constitutional  Conference  should  be 
held  next  year.  It  may  be  that  I am  very  dense,  but  I am 
totally  at  a loss  to  understand  what  it  is  that  this  Constitu- 
tional Conference  proposes  to  do.  Is  it  that  the  Dominions 
are  seeking  new  powers,  or  are  desirous  of  using  powers  they 
already  have,  or  is  the  Conference  to  draw  up  a declaration  of 
rights,  to  set  down  in  black  and  white  the  relations  between 
Britain  and  the  Dominions?  What  is  this  Conference  to  do? 
What  is  the  reason  for  calling  it  together?  I know,  of  course, 
the  Resolution  of  the  1917  Conference.  But  much  water  has 
run  under  the  bridge  since  then.  Surely  this  Conference  is 
not  intended  to  limit  the  rights  we  now  have.  Yet  what  new 
right,  what  extension  of  power  can  it  give  us?  What  is  there 
that  we  cannot  do  now?  What  could  the  Dominions  do  as 
independent  nations  that  they  cannot  do  now?  What  limita- 
tion is  now  imposed  upon  them?  What  can  they  not  do,  even 
to  encompass  their  own  destruction  by  sundering  the  bonds 
that  bind  them  to  the  Empire?  What  yet  do  they  lack? 
Canada  has  asserted  her  right  to  make  treaties.  She  has  made 
treaties.  She  is  asserting  her  right  to  appoint  an  Ambassador 
at  Washington.  Are  these  the  marks  of  Slave  States,  or 
quasi-sovereignty?  In  what  essential  thing  does  any  one  of 
the  great  Self-Governing  Dominions  differ  from  independent 
nations?  It  is  true  there  is  a sentiment,  a figment,  a few 
ancient  forms;  there  is  what  Sir  F.  Pollock  calls  the  figment 
of  the  right  of  the  British  Parliament  to  make  laws  affecting 
the  Dominions.  Supposing  the  British  Parliament  should 
make  a law  to-morrow  which  would  take  from  me  the  very 
position  in  which  I stand,  namely,  a representative  of  a 
Parliament  that  exists  and  was  brought  into  being  by  a 
British  Statute.  I suppose  that  would  apply  to  you,  General 
Smuts,  and  to  you,  Mr.  Meighen.  They  could  pass  that  law, 
and  although  we  might  be  here  as  individuals,  so  far  as  legal 
or  constitutional  status  is  concerned  we  should  have  ceased 
to  exist.  But,  as  Sir  F.  Pollock  says,  this  power  of  the  British 
Parliament  is  a figment,  a shadow.  Either  it  must  limit  our 

[49] 


384 


rights  of  self-government,  or  it  must  weaken  the  bonds  of 
Empire,  or  it  must  simply  content  itself  with  asserting  rights 
and  privileges  and  responsibilities  that  are  ours  already  and 
that  none  question.  In  effect,  we  have  all  the  rights  of  self- 
government  enjoyed  by  independent  nations.  That  being  the 
position,  what  is  the  Constitutional  Conference  going  to  do? 
The  proposal  to  hold  a Constitutional  Conference  is  causing 
considerable  anxiety,  at  any  rate  in  Australia.  So  far  from 
anticipating  that  it  is  to  give  us  greater  power,  some  fear  it 
will  take  away  some  of  the  powers  that  we  have,  and  my 
difficulty  is,  and  has  been,  to  try  and  allay  those  doubts, 
which  are  very  strongly  held.  I think  every  one  of  us  is  con- 
fronted with  the  same  position.  I think  even  this  Conference 
is  surrounded  with  clouds  of  suspicion.  Our  right  to  a name 
is  in  question.  If  we  call  ourselves  a Conference  it  is  wrong: 
if  we  call  ourselves  a Cabinet  it  is  wrong — a Council  is  still 
worse.  I am  sure  between  General  Smuts  and  myself  there 
is,  in  fact,  very  little  difference,  if  any.  But,  nevertheless,  I 
say  that  we  are  treading  on  very  dangerous  ground,  and  I say 
this  to  him.  We  have  achieved  this  wonderful  progress — and 
it  is  wonderful  progress — along  certain  lines.  Is  he  not  satis- 
fied with  the  progress  we  have  made?  The  difference  between 
the  status  of  the  Dominions  now  and  twenty-five  years  ago 
is  very  great.  We  were  Colonies,  we  became  Dominions. 
We  have  been  accorded  the  status  of  nations.  Our  progress 
in  material  greatness  has  kept  pace  with  our  constitutional 
development.  Let  us  leave  well  alone.  That  is  my  advice. 
We  have  now  on  the  agenda  paper  matters  which  mark  a new 
era  in  Empire  government.  We,  the  representatives  of  the 
Dominions,  are  met  together  to  formulate  a foreign  policy 
for  the  Empire.  What  greater  advance  is  conceivable?  What 
remains  to  us?  We  are  like  so  many  Alexanders.  What  other 
worlds  have  we  to  conquer?  I do  not  speak  of  Utopias  nor  of 
shadows,  but  of  solid  earth.  I know  of  no  power  that  the 
Prime  Minister  of  Britain  has,  that  General  Smuts  has  not. 
Our  presence  here  round  this  table,  the  agenda  paper  before 
us,  the  basis  of  equality  on  which  we  meet,  these  things  speak 

[50] 


385 


in  trumpet  tones  that  this  Conference  of  free  democratic 
nations  is,  as  Mr.  Lloyd  George  said  yesterday,  a living  force. 

OPENING  SPEECH  BY  GENERAL  SMUTS 

General  Smuts:  I should  like  to  associate  myself  with 
what  has  been  said  by  the  Prime  Minister  of  Australia  in 
regard  to  the  speech  which  you  made  yesterday,  and,  in  par- 
ticular, speaking  on  behalf  of  South  Africa,  I should  like  to 
thank  you  very,  very  much  for  the  reference  you  made  to 
General  Botha.  General  Botha  was  not  only  a great  South 
African,  but  a great  man,  and  his  name  will  remain  as  one 
of  the  greatest  men  in  the  history  of  the  British  Empire,  and 
I think  the  references  made  to  him  yesterday  were  fully  justi- 
fied. You  opened  yesterday.  Prime  Minister,  in  a speech,  if 
I may  say  so,  of  such  power  and  brilliaace,  that  it  is  very 
difficult  for  us,  in  fact,  impossible  for  me,  to  follow  on,  but  we 
agreed  yesterday  that  the  Prime  Ministers  should  each  make 
a general  preliminary  statement,  and  so  I proceed  to  make  a 
few  remarks  upon  the  topics  on  which  we  are  called  upon  to 
deal  here. 

I think  a discussion  like  this  may  be  useful,  because  it  will 
disclose  in  a preliminary  and  general  way  the  attitude  taken 
up  by  the  Dominions  on  the  topics  which  we  have  come  here 
to  discuss.  I shall  not  attempt  to  break  fresh  ground  in  the 
few  remarks  I am  going  to  make.  I am  going  to  adhere  more 
or  less  to  the  tenor  of  what  I said  in  the  South  African  Par- 
liament when  the  subject  matters  of  this  Conference  were 
under  debate.  What  I said  was  generally  approved  in  Par- 
liament and  by  the  public  in  South  Africa,  and  I shall  there- 
fore adhere  to  what  I said  there.  I said  on  that  occasion  that 
what  the  world  most  needs  to-day  is  peace,  a return  to  a 
peaceful  temper  and  to  the  resumption  of  peaceful  and  normal 
industry.  To  my  mind  that  is  the  test  of  all  true  policy  to-day. 
Peace  is  wanted  by  the  world.  Peace  is  wanted  especially  by 
the  peoples  of  the  British  Empire.  We  are  a peaceful  Empire, 
our  very  nature  is  such  that  peace  is  necessary  for  us.  We 
have  no  military  aims  to  serve,  we  have  no  militaristic  ideals, 

[51] 


386 


and  it  is  only  in  a peaceful  world  that  our  ideals  can  be 
realized.  It  should,  therefore,  be  the  main,  in  fact,  the  only 
object  of  British  policy  to  secure  real  peace  for  the  Empire 
and  the  world  generally.  Now  the  Prime  Minister  stated  in 
his  speech  what  progress  has  been  made  towards  the  attain- 
ment of  this  ideal.  He  pointed  out  that  some  of  the  matters 
which  gave  us  the  greatest  trouble  in  Paris  had  been  settled. 
The  question  of  reparations,  which  was,  perhaps,  the  most 
difficult  and  intricate  with  which  we  had  to  deal  in  Paris,  has 
finally,  after  some  years  of  debate  and  trouble,  been  eliminated, 
in  a settlement  which,  I venture  to  hope,  will  prove  final  and 
workable.  That  is  a very  great  advance.  The  other  great 
advance  that  has  been  made — and  it  is  an  enormous  advance 
— is  the  final  disarmament  of  Germany.  That  the  greatest 
military  Empire  that  has  ever  existed  in  history  should  be 
reduced  to  a peace  establishment  of  100,000  men  is  some- 
thing which  I considered  practically  impossible.  It  is  a great 
achievement,  so  far-reaching,  indeed,  that  it  ought  to  become 
the  basis  of  a new  departure  in  world  policy.  We  cannot  stop 
with  Germany,  we  cannot  stop  with  the  disarmament  of 
Germany.  It  is  impossible  for  us  to  continue  to  envisage  the 
future  of  the  world  from  the  point  of  view  of  war.  I believe 
it  is  impossible  for  us  to  contemplate  the  piling  up  of  arma- 
ments in  the  future  of  the  world  and  the  exhaustion  of  our 
very  limited  remaining  resources  in  order  to  carry  out  a policy 
of  that  kind. 

Such  a policy  would  be  criminal,  it  would  be  the  betrayal 
of  the  causes  for  which  we  fought  during  the  War,  and  if  we 
embarked  on  such  a policy  it  would  be  our  undoing.  If  we 
were  to  go  forward  into  the  future  staggering  under  the  load 
of  military  and  naval  armaments  whilst  our  competitors  in 
Central  Europe  were  free  from  the  incubus  of  great  armies, 
we  should  be  severely  handicapped,  and  in  the  end  we  should 
have  the  fruits  of  victory  lost  to  us  by  our  post-war  policy. 
Already  circumstances  are  developing  on  those  lines.  Already 
under  the  operation  of  inexorable  economic  factors  we  find 
that  the  position  is  developing  to  the  advantage  of  Central 

[52] 


387 


Europe.  The  depreciation  of  their  currencies,  the  universal 
depreciation  of  currencies,  and  the  unsettlement  of  the  ex- 
changes are  having  the  effect  of  practical  repudiation  of  lia- 
bilities on  the  part  of  a large  part  of  the  Continent.  If  we 
add  to  our  financial  responsibilities  and  have,  in  addition,  to 
pile  on  the  fresh  burdens  of  new  armies  and  navies  I am 
afraid  the  future  for  us  is  very  dark  indeed,  and  we  shall  in 
the  long  run  lose  all  we  have  won  on  the  field  of  battle. 

Armaments  depend  upon  policy,  and  therefore  I press  very 
strongly  that  our  policy  should  be  such  as  to  make  the  race 
for  armaments  impossible.  That  should  be  the  cardinal 
feature  of  our  foreign  policy.  We  should  not  go  into  the  future 
under  this  awful  handicap  of  having  to  support  great  arma- 
ments, build  new  fleets,  raise  new  armies,  whilst  our  economic 
competitors  are  free  of  that  liability  under  the  Peace  Treaty. 
The  most  fatal  mistake  of  all,  in  my  humble  opinion,  would 
be  a race  of  armaments  against  America.  America  is  the 
nation  that  is  closest  to  us  in  all  the  human  ties.  The  Domin- 
ions look  upon  her  as  the  oldest  of  them.  She  is  the  relation 
with  whom  we  most  closely  agree,  and  with  whom  we  can 
most  cordially  work  together.  She  left  our  circle  a long  time 
ago  because  of  a great  historic  mistake.  I am  not  sure  that 
a wise  policy  after  the  great  events  through  which  we  have 
recently  passed  might  not  repair  the  effects  of  that  great  his- 
toric error,  and  once  more  bring  America  on  to  lines  of  general 
co-operation  with  the  British  Empire.  America,  after  all, 
has  proved  a staunch  and  tried  friend  during  the  War.  She 
came  in  late  because  she  did  not  realize  what  was  at  stake. 
In  the  very  darkest  hour  of  the  War  she  came  in  and  ranged 
herself  on  our  side.  That  was,  I believe,  the  determining 
factor  in  the  victory  of  our  great  cause. 

Since  the  War  we  have  somewhat  drifted  apart.  I need  not 
go  into  the  story — I do  not  know  the  whole  story — it  is  only 
known  to  you  here.  There  are  matters  on  which  we  have  not 
seen  eye  to  eye,  to  some  extent  springing  from  what  hap- 
pened at  Paris  and  also  from  mistakes  made  by  statesmen. 
But  these  mistakes  do  not  affect  the  fundamental  attitude 

[53] 


388 


of  the  two  peoples.  To  my  mind  it  seems  dear  that  the  only 
path  of  safety  for  the  British  Empire  is  a path  on  which  she 
can  walk  together  with  America.  In  saying  this  I do  not  wish 
to  be  understood  as  advocating  an  American  alliance.  Noth- 
ing of  the  kind.  I do  not  advocate  an  alliance  or  any  exclusive 
arrangement  with  America.  It  would  be  undesirable,  it 
would  be  impossible  and  unnecessary.  The  British  Empire 
is  not  in  need  of  exclusive  allies.  It  emerged  from  the  War 
quite  the  greatest  Power  in  the  world,  and  it  is  only  unwisdom 
or  unsound  policy  that  could  rob  her  of  that  great  position. 
She  does  not  want  exclusive  alliances.  What  she  wants  to  see 
established  is  more  universal  friendship  in  the  world.  The 
nations  of  the  British  Empire  wish  to  make  all  the  nations 
of  the  world  more  friendly  to  each  other.  We  wish  to  remove 
grounds  for  misunderstandings  and  causes  of  friction,  and  to 
bring  together  all  the  free  peoples  of  the  world  in  a system 
of  friendly  conferences  and  consultations  in  regard  to  their 
difficulties.  We  wish  to  see  a real  Society  of  Nations,  away 
from  the  old  ideas  and  practices  of  national  domination  or 
Imperial  domination,  which  were  the  real  root  causes  of  the 
great  War.  No,  not  in  alliances,  in  any  exclusive  alliances, 
but  in  a new  spirit  of  amity  and  co-operation  do  we  seek  the 
solution  of  the  problems  of  the  future.  Although  America  is 
not  a member  of  the  League  of  Nations,  there  is  no  doubt 
that  co-operation  between  her  and  the  British  Empire  would 
be  the  easy  and  natural  thing,  and  there  is  no  doubt  it  would 
be  the  wise  thing. 

In  shaping  our  course  for  the  future,  we  must  bear  in  mind 
that  the  whole  world  position  has  radically  altered  as  a result 
of  the  War.  Europe  is  no  longer  what  she  was,  and  the  power 
and  the  position  which  she  once  occupied  in  the  world  has 
been  largely  lost.  The  great  Empires  have  disappeared. 
Austria  will  never  rise  again.  Russia  and  Germany  will  no 
doubt  revive,  but  not  in  this  generation  nor  in  the  next; 
and  when  they  do,  they  may  be  very  different  countries  in  a 
world  which  may  be  a very  different  world.  The  position, 
therefore,  has  completely  altered.  The  old  viewpoint  from 

f54] 


389 


which  we  considered  Europe  has  completely  altered.  She 
suffers  from  an  exhaustion,  which  is  the  most  appalling  fact 
of  history;  and  the  victorious  countries  of  Europe  are  not 
much  better  off  than  the  vanquished.  No,  the  scene  has 
shifted  on  the  great  stage.  To  my  mind  that  is  the  most 
important  fact  in  the  world  situation  to-day,  and  the  fact  to 
which  our  foreign  policy  should  have  special  regard.  Our 
temptation  is  still  to  look  upon  the  European  stage  as  of  the 
first  importance.  It  is  no  longer  so;  and  I suggest  we  should 
not  be  too  deeply  occupied  with  it.  Let  us  be  friendly  and 
helpful  all  round  to  the  best  of  our  ability,  but  let  us  not 
be  too  deeply  involved  in  it.  The  fires  are  still  burning  there, 
the  pot  is  occasionally  boiling  over,  but  these  are  not  really 
first-rate  events  any  more.  This  state  of  -affairs  in  Central 
Europe  will  probably  continue  for  many  years  to  come,  and 
no  act  on  our  part  could  very  largely  alter  the  situation. 
Therefore,  not  from  feelings  of  selfishness,  but  in  a spirit  of 
wisdom,  one  would  counsel  prudence  and  reserve  in  our 
Continental  commitments,  and  that  we  do  not  let  ourselves 
in  for  European  entanglements  more  than  is  necessary,  and 
that  we  be  impartial,  friendly  and  helpful  to  all  alike,  and 
avoid  any  partisan  attitude  in  the  concerns  of  the  continent 
of  Europe.  Undoubtedly  the  scene  has  shifted  away  from 
Europe  to  the  Far  East  and  to  the  Pacific.  The  problems  of 
the  Pacific  are  to  my  mind  the  world  problems  of  the  next 
fifty  years  or  more.  In  these  problems  we  are,  as  an  Empire, 
very  vitally  interested.  Three  of  the  Dominions  border  on 
the  Pacific;  India  is  next  door;  there,  too,  are  the  United 
States  and  Japan.  There,  also,  is  China,  the  fate  of  the 
greatest  human  population  on  earth  will  have  to  be  decided. 
There,  Europe,  Asia  and  America  are  meeting,  and  there, 
I believe,  the  next  great  chapter  in  human  history  will  be 
enacted.  I ask  myself,  what  will  be  the  character  of  that  his- 
tory? Will  it  be  along  the  old  lines?  Will  it  be  the  old  spirit 
of  national  and  imperial  domination  which  has  been  the 
undoing  of  Europe?  Or  shall  we  have  learned  our  lesson? 
Shall  we  have  purged  our  souls  in  the  fires  through  which  we 

[ 55] 


390 


have  passed?  Will  it  be  a future  of  peaceful  co-operation,  of 
friendly  co-ordination  of  all  the  vast  interests  at  stake? 

Shall  we  act  in  continuous  friendly  consultation  in  the 
true  spirit  of  a Society  of  Nations,  or  will  there  once  more  be  a 
repetition  of  rival  groups,  of  exclusive  alliances,  and  finally, 
of  a terrible  catastrophe  more  fatal  than  the  one  we  have 
passed  through?  That,  to  my  mind,  is  the  alternative.  That 
is  the  parting  of  the  ways  at  which  we  have  arrived  now. 
That  is  the  great  matter,  I take  it,  we  are  met  to  consider  in 
this  Conference.  If  we  are  wisely  guided  at  this  juncture,  this 
Conference  may  well  become  one  of  the  great  landmarks  in 
history.  It  comes  most  opportune.  The  American  Senate 
has  already  made  the  first  move  in  a unanimous  resolution 
calling  for  a Conference  of  the  United  States,  the  British 
Empire  and  Japan.  Japan  has  been  a consistent  supporter 
of  the  League  of  Nations.  She  is  one  of  the  Great  Powers  with 
a permanent  seat  on  the  Council,  and  she  has,  so  far  as  I 
can  gather,  consistently  been  a power  for  good  in  the  Councils 
of  the  League  of  Nations.  The  British  Empire,  again,  is  not 
only  one  of  the  strongest  influences  behind  the  League,  but 
she  is  honestly  and  sincerely  feeling  her  way  to  a better  order- 
ing of  international  relations.  China  is  not  only  a member 
of  the  League,  but  has  been  elected  a member  of  the  Council 
at  the  last  meeting  of  the  Assembly  at  Geneva.  All  the  great 
parties  concerned  in  the  Pacific  and  in  Pacific  policy  are, 
therefore,  pledged  to  friendly  conference  and  consultation  in 
regard  to  what  is  the  most  important,  possibly  the  most  dan- 
gerous, next  phase  of  world  politics.  They  are  all  pledged  to 
the  new  system  of  conference  and  consultation,  either  by 
membership  of  the  League  and  its  Council,  or,  in  the  case  of 
America,  by  the  resolution  which  the  Senate  has  just  passed. 
It  is  now  for  this  Conference  of  ours  to  give  the  lead  and  guide 
the  Powers  concerned  into  a friendly  conference,  or  system  of 
conferences,  in  regard  to  this  great  issue.  This,  I submit,  is 
the  great  opportunity  presented  to  this  Conference,  and  I 
trust  that  our  deliberations  will  be  exploited  to  the  full  for 
the  good  and  future  peace  of  the  world.  As  you  said  yester- 

[56] 


391 


day,  Mr.  Prime  Minister,  the  British  Empire  involves  the 
great  question  of  East  and  West,  the  relations  of  East  and 
West.  That  great  question  is  now  coming  to  a head.  There 
is  no  doubt  that  the  British  Empire  is  more  vitally  inter- 
ested than  any  other  country  in  this,  for  she  has  her  feet 
planted  on  all  the  continents.  By  her  great  position  she  is 
called  upon  to  act  as  the  peacemaker,  the  mediator,  between 
East  and  West,  and  nowhere  else  has  she  such  scope,  such 
opportunity,  for  great  world  service  as  just  here.  Great  rival 
civilizations  are  meeting  and  great  questions  have  to  be  de- 
cided for  the  future.  I most  heartily  applaud  what  you  said 
yesterday  on  this  point,  and  I trust  that  difficulties  on  this 
most  thorny  path  will  not  prove  insuperable  to  us.  You  spoke 
yesterday  most  eloquently  on  the  Peace  Treaty,  the  sacred- 
ness of  the  Peace  Treaty,  and  the  obligation  to  carry  out  the 
Peace  Treaty. 

There  is  one  chapter  in  that  Treaty  which,  to  my  mind, 
should  be  specially  sacred  to  the  British  Empire.  That  is  the 
first  chapter  on  the  League  of  Nations.  The  Covenant  may  be 
faulty,  it  may  need  amendment  in  order  to  make  it  more 
workable  and  more  generally  acceptable,  but  let  us  never  for- 
get that  the  Covenant  embodies  the  most  deeply-felt  longings 
of  the  human  race  for  a better  life.  There,  more  than  any- 
where else,  do  we  find  a serious  effort  made  to  translate  into 
practical  reality  the  great  ideals  that  actuated  us  during  the 
War,  the  ideals  for  which  millions  of  our  best  gave  their  lives. 
The  method  of  understanding  instead  of  violence,  of  free  co- 
operation, of  consultation  and  conference  in  all  great  diffi- 
culties which  we  have  found  so  fruitful  in  our  Empire  system, 
is  the  method  which  the  League  attempts  to  apply  to  the 
affairs  of  the  world.  Let  us,  in  the  British  Empire,  back  it  for 
all  it  is  worth.  It  may  well  prove,  for  international  relations, 
the  way  out  of  the  present  morass.  It  may  become  the  founda- 
tion of  a new  international  system  which  will  render  arma- 
ments unnecessary,  and  give  the  world  at  large  the  blessings 
which  we  enjoy  in  our  lesser  League  of  Nations  in  the  Empire. 

I have  spoken  at  length  already.  Prime  Minister,  and  there- 

[57] 


392 


fore  I do  not  wish  to  refer  to  the  other  great  matter  which  we 
are  met  here  to  consider,  and  which  Mr.  Hughes  touched 
upon,  namely,  constitutional  relations.  We  shall  come  to  a 
very  full  discussion  of  that  subject,  and,  therefore,  I do  not 
wish  to  say  any  more  at  this  stage. 

OPENING  SPEECH  BY  MR.  MASSEY 

Mr.  Massey:  In  the  first  place,  Prime  Minister,  I want 
briefly  to  take  advantage  of  what  you  referred  to  as  our  “un- 
enviable privilege,”  speaking  for  myself,  the  privilege  of  hav- 
ing the  longest  record  as  Prime  Minister  of  any  of  those  who 
sit  around  the  Council  Board  to-day,  and  on  that  account  I 
want  to  add  a few  words  to  what  you  have  said  with  regard  to 
an  old  friend.  General  Botha.  During  the  very  few  months  that 
I was  acquainted  with  General  Botha  I came  to  regard  him  as 
one  of  the  best  men  I ever  met,  a great  man,  undoubtedly,  and, 
in  addition,  a great  British  statesman.  If  he  had  been  with  us 
to-day  it  goes  without  saying  he  would  have  been  invaluable 
in  assisting  to  solve  some  of  the  difficult  problems  with  which 
we  are  face  to  face.  I feel  confident  of  this,  that  it  will  be  a very 
long  time  before  his  services  are  forgotten,  either  by  South 
Africa,  with  which  he  was  more  intimately  associated,  or  with 
the  citizens  of  the  British  Empire  wherever  they  may  happen 
to  be.  I want,  too,  to  express  my  regret  that  we  have  not  with 
us  on  the  present  occasion  men  who  did  great  work  in  days 
gone  by.  I refer  to  Lord  Milner,  Lord  Long,  better  known  to 
us  as  the  Right  Honourable  Mr.  Walter  Long,  and  Sir  Robert 
Borden.  I hope  that  their  retirement  from  Empire  service  is 
only  temporary,  but,  in  any  case,  I trust,  and  I know  it,  that 
when  we  require  their  advice  and  counsel,  their  services  to  the 
Empire  will  always  be  willingly  and  faithfully  given. 

I think  I ought  to  say  a word  of  welcome  to  those  who  are 
met  in  this  room  for  the  first  time,  and  I feel  confident  that 
they  will  do  credit  to  those  behind  them  who  have  honoured 
them  with  their  confidence,  and  that  their  coming  here  will  be 
an  acquisition  to  the  Conference  which  I hope  and  believe 
will  make  for  better  things  so  far  as  the  Empire  is  concerned. 

158] 


393 


And  now,  Prime  Minister,  I want  to  refer,  briefly,  to  the 
very  fine  speech  which  we,  the  members  of  this  organization, 
had  the  opportunity  of  listening  to  yesterday. 

I want  to  say  that  I look  upon  it  as  the  most  important 
speech  delivered  since  the  War,  and  a speech  which,  to  the 
British  citizens  of  the  Dominions,  will  give  great  satisfaction, 
and  not  only  to  them  but  to  the  citizens  at  the  heart  of  the 
Empire,  the  United  Kingdom  itself.  It  will  give  confidence 
to  a number  of  people  and  a very  large  number  of  citizens 
who  are  anxious  about  the  present  position  and  feel  a certain 
anxiety  with  regard  to  what  may  happen  at  this  Conference. 
The  speech  was  candid,  outspoken,  and  well  expressed,  and 
it  gave  the  impression,  which  I have  not  the  very  slightest 
doubt  it  was  intended  to  convey,  that  the  Prime  Minister 
intends  to  place  the  whole  of  his  cards  upon  the  table,  take 
us,  who  aie  the  representatives  of  the  Overseas  Dominions, 
into  his  complete  confidence  and  ask  for  our  assistance  in 
settling  the  difficulties  which  at  present  appear  to  confront 
us.  The  speech,  in  my  opinion,  struck  the  right  note,  and  it 
will  give,  I am  quite  sure,  more  confidence  to  people  overseas 
and  to  citizens  generally  than  the  Prime  Minister  himself 
imagines  could  possibly  be  the  case.  Ever  since  the  signa- 
tures of  the  representatives  of  the  Dominions  were  attached 
to  the  Peace  Treaty  at  Versailles  on  the  28th  June,  1919, 
there  has  been  a feeling  on  the  part  of  many  intelligent  men 
and  women  that  the  future  of  the  Empire  may  possibly  have 
been  endangered  thereby.  What  I mean  is  this,  that  1 have 
seen  it  stated  repeatedly,  as  a result  of  the  signing  of  the 
Peace  Treaty,  which,  of  course,  included  the  Covenant  of 
the  League  of  Nations,  the  Dominions  of  the  Empire  had 
acquired  complete  independence,  and,  in  case  of  the  Empire 
being  involved  in  war — ^which  I say  heaven  forbid,  and  1 say 
it  with  all  my  heart  and  soul— any  one  of  the  Dominions 
might  refrain  from  taking  part  or  assisting  the  Empire  in  any 
way.  I do  not  agree  with  that  view,  and  I go  upon  the  prin- 
ciple that  when  the  King,  the  Head  of  the  State,  declares 
war  the  whole  of  his  subjects  are  at  war,  and  that  must  be  the 

[59] 


394 


case  if  some  of  the  best  constitutional  authorities  are  right. 
That  is  one  of  the  causes  of  anxiety  at  the  present  time.  There 
is  the  other  as  a logical  sequence  of  the  first,  that  any  Do- 
minion—I won’t  say  Dependencies,  Dependencies  are  in  a 
different  position—but  any  Dominion  may,  on  account  of 
what  has  taken  place,  enter  into  a treaty  with  any  foreign 
country  irrespective  of  what  the  Empire  as  a whole  may  do.  I 
am  not  now  referring  to  a treaty  entered  into  for  commercial 
purposes,  that  is  quite  another  matter.  As  I understand  the 
position,  any  Dominion  may  make  a commercial  arrange- 
ment with  any  foreign  country,  but  the  treaties  of  which  I 
am  thinking  and  of  which  many  other  people  are  thinking  are 
treaties  involving  war  or  peace  or  foreign  policy  as  the  case 
may  be.  These  latter  are  the  treaties  which,  I understand, 
in  existing  circumstances,  a Dominion  has  not  the  right  to 
enter  into.  I bring  this  up ; now  I had  thought  of  waiting  for 
another  year,  but  one  never  knows  what  may  happen  during 
twelve  months.  Personally,  I doubt  if  it  will  be  possible  to 
hold  the  Conference  which  was  intended  for  next  year,  for 
reasons  which  may  not  perhaps  have  occurred  to  many  here 
present.  I think  I am  right  in  saying  there  will  be  an  election 
in  Australia  next  year.  I am  not  authorized  to  say  this,  but  I 
have  heard  it  said  that  possibly  Canada  will  have  an  election 
next  year.  That  I do  not  know,  but  I do  know  this,  that 
New  Zealand  must  face  an  election  next  year. 

Mr.  Lloyd  George:  How  many  years  have  you? 

Mr.  Massey:  Three  years. 

Mr.  Lloyd  George:  How  many  years  have  you? 

Mr.  Meighen:  Five  years. 

Mr.  Lloyd  George:  How  many  years  does  your  Parlia- 
ment last? 

Mr.  Hughes:  Three  years. 

Mr.  Massey:  We  are  in  the  same  year,  so  when  Australia 
has  an  election  New  Zealand  has  an  election.  I am  suggesting 
that  we  shall  probably  have  a number  of  elections  next  year, 
and  therefore  it  may  not  be  possible  to  hold  an  Imperial 
Conference  for  any  purpose  whatever. 

[60] 


395 


Mr.  Hughes:  I am  glad  you  mentioned  that.  That  is 
one  of  the  practical  difficulties.  I think  I told  you,  Sir,  it 
would  be  impossible  for  me  to  come  next  year. 

Mr.  Massey:  I was  referring  to  constitutional  questions 
which  are  causing  difficulties  at  present,  and  I should  like 
to  see  them  cleared  up.  I think  we  are  in  a dangerous  posi- 
tion— a position  which  may  bring  friction  in  a year  or  two’s 
time  or  in  the  years  to  come.  I think  it  should  be  faced  now, 
and  we  should  arrive  at  an  understanding  as  to  exactly  where 
we  are.  There  is  another  point.  The  Imperial  War  Cabinet 
has  been  referred  to  on  a number  of  occasions  to-day  and 
yesterday,  and  I read  with  a great  deal  of  interest  an  article 
by  Lord  Milner  in  one  of  the  papers  yesterday  morning,  I 
think  The  Times.  I may  say  I agree  thoroughly  with  the 
opinion  expressed  by  Lord  Milner  in  regard  to  the  Imperial 
War  Cabinet.  I believe  it  did  magnificent  work,  and  I 
hoped  that  it  would  become  a permanent  institution,  modi- 
fied, of  course,  as  required  by  a period  of  peace.  The  Imperial 
War  Cabinet  was  suitable  for  a period  of  war.  I do  not 
mean  to  say  we  should  go  on  the  same  lines.  We  are  here 
to-day,  and  I think  I am  right  in  saying  we  do  not  even  know 
what  to  call  ourselves,  and  there  is  a great  deal  in  a name. 
A Conference  means  consultation  and  consultation  only,  but 
a Cabinet  also  carries  with  it  the  right  to  recommend  some 
definite  course  to  the  Sovereign.  Of  course,  behind  it  all 
there  is  the  responsibility  on  the  part  of  each  representative 
of  the  Dominions  particularly,  or  even  of  the  United  King- 
dom, to  the  Parliaments  behind  us;  we  must  take  the  responsi- 
bility of  our  actions;  but  I think  most  of  us,  all  of  us,  here 
to-day  are  experienced  politicians,  and  I am  quite  sure  that 
we  are  not  likely  to  go  too  far.  There  is  another  difficulty. 
The  representatives  of  the  Dominions  and  India  meet  the 
representatives  of  the  United  Kingdom  in  conference,  but  we 
have  no  right  to  join  in  any  recommendation  that  may  be 
made  to  the  Sovereign  in  regard  to  any  course  which  requires 
his  assent  and  which  may  be  thought  desirable.  Now,  I am 
not  anxious  about  this.  I have  absolute  confidence  in  the 

[6i] 


396 


good  sense  of  British  people  and  British  statesmen,  but  still 
there  is  the  anomaly.  There  is  something  there  that  wants 
to  be  put  right.  Using  a term  which  is  often  used,  it  is  not 
democratic.  I do  not  know  whether  these  matters  can  be 
discussed  and  dealt  with  during  the  present  Conference,  and 
I am  calling  it  a Conference  for  want  of  a better  name. 
WTat  I object  to  is  what  the  name  Conference  implies.  I 
do  not  know  whether  we  are  able  to  deal  with  it  during  the 
term  of  the  present  Conference,  or  whether  we  are  not,  but 
I do  think  the  matter  should  be  settled,  and  not  left  over 
indefinitely.  We  sometimes  talk  about  what  we  have  gained 
in  recent  years,  and  we  have  gained  a great  deal.  There  is  no 
question  about  that.  We  have  gained  in  status  and  in  other 
ways.  We  stand  in  quite  a different  position  from  that  in 
which  the  Dominions  and  Dependencies  of  the  Empire,  in- 
cluding India,  stood  ten  years  ago,  but  we  have  gone  back  as 
compared  with  what  was  the  case  two  years  ago  when  the 
Imperial  War  Cabinet  was  in  existence. 

Mr.  Hughes:  I do  not  quite  follow  where  we  have  gone 
back. 

Mr.  Massey:  We  have  lost  the  right  which  we  had  then 
on  war  matters,  and  even  other  matters,  to  assist  in  making 
a recommendation  to  the  Sovereign,  the  Head  of  the  State, 
in  regard  to  any  course  of  action  which  we  thought  desirable 
and  which  required  his  assent.  I may  be  wrong  in  the  view 
I take,  but  I feel  so  strongly  about  it,  and  I have  discussed 
it  with  my  colleagues  in  New  Zealand,  though  I have  not 
mentioned  it  in  Parliament  except  by  way  of  a brief  hint. 
I went  no  further  with  my  own  Parliament,  but  I would  not 
be  justified  in  allowing  this  Conference  to  pass  without 
bringing  it  up.  I may  say  that  I believe  thoroughly  and 
strongly  in  the  partnership  of  nations.  It  does  not  matter 
what  you  call  it — a family  of  nations,  a Commonwealth  of 
Nations,  or  anything  else,  so  long  as  the  partnership  is 
applied.  I believe  thoroughly  and  firmly  in  that;  but  even  a 
partnership  of  nations,  any  more  than  a nation,  cannot  stand 
still.  We  must  either  progress  or  decay.  There  is  no  ques- 

[62] 


397 


tion  about  that,  and  I hope  those  who  are  entrusted  with  the 
management  of  the  public  affairs  of  the  Empire  itself,  and 
of  the  countries  of  the  Empire,  will  see  that  no  decay  takes 
place.  There  is  one  point  I must  acknowledge  in  this  con- 
nection, and  it  is  this.  While  I have  called  attention  to  the 
anomaly,  I admit,  and  am  thoroughly  of  opinion,  that  there 
is  a far  stronger  power  in  the  British  Empire  to-day  than  any 
words  that  may  be  placed  upon  paper,  either  printed  or 
written — that  is,  the  sentiments  of  the  British  people,  the 
patriotic  sentiments  of  the  British  people.  I am  not  merely 
speaking  of  Anglo-Saxons  or  Europeans,  or  any  one  race. 
I am  speaking  of  the  British  people  right  through  the  Empire, 
including  the  native  races.  You  cannot  go  beyond  sentiment. 
And  I am  quite  sure  that  as  soon  as  they  understand  what  is 
taking  place  or  its  possibility,  if  only  its  possibility,  they  will 
see  that  these  matters,  which  may  appear  small  at  the  time, 
are  rectified  without  waiting  too  long. 

I want  to  say  something  about  naval  defence.  It  has  been 
referred  to  by  Mr.  Hughes,  and  I may  say  that  there  is  no 
difference  of  opinion  between  Mr.  Hughes  and  myself  in 
regard  to  the  necessity  for  naval  defence.  The  storm  centre 
has  changed  undoubtedly  during  the  last  few  years,  so  far  as 
it  is  possible  to  judge  by  appearances,  and  many  of  us  fear 
that  the  next  war — and  I wish  I were  optimistic  enough  to 
believe  we  had  seen  the  last  of  wars,  but  I am  not — we  fear 
that  the  next  naval  war  will  be  fought  in  the  Pacific.  Human 
nature  has  not  changed  very  much  in  the  last  5,000  years,  and 
although  we  have  profited  by  the  lessons  of  the  War,  and 
I would  like  to  think  that  the  lessons  of  the  War  would  pre- 
vent war,  that  the  suffering  that  the  people  of  Europe  endured, 
the  tremendous  loss  of  life,  the  misery  they  endured,  I would 
like  to  think  that  these,  taken  together  or  any  one  of  them, 
would  prevent  war  in  the  future.  I am  not  looking  forward  to 
war  in  the  immediate  future.  There  are  clouds  on  the  horizon 
it  is  true,  some  of  them  perhaps  no  bigger  than  the  proverbial 
man’s  hand,  but  they  are  there,  and  they  may  bring  war  sooner 
than  we  expect.  The  wish,  however,  is  not  father  to  the  thought. 

[63] 


398 


I hope  the  indications  may  come  to  nothing,  and  no  one 
will  be  better  pleased  than  myself  if  they  come  to  naught,  but 
so  far  as  naval  defence  is  concerned — I am  speaking  of  the 
Empire  now,  a chain  of  countries  right  round  the  globe.  Do- 
minions, Dependencies,  and  the  Empire  within  an  Empire, 
India,  as  well  as  the  United  Kingdom — whatever  may  happen 
in  the  future,  I do  hope  that  there  will  be  a sufficient  naval 
force  kept  in  order  to  maintain  the  connexions  between  the 
different  parts  of  the  Empire,  and  that  was  where  there  was  a 
danger  of  our  losing  the  last  War.  In  connexion  with  subma- 
rine warfare  in  its  worst  days,  about  1917,  before  the  hydro- 
phone and  depth  charge  had  been  perfected,  when  the  ships 
were  being  sunk  faster  than  we  were  able  to  turn  them  out, 
there  was  a danger  then  of  the  connexions  being  cut  between 
the  different  Dominions  and  the  heart  of  the  Empire  particu- 
larly, or  even  between  the  different  countries  of  the  Empire 
outside  the  United  Kingdom  itself,  and  if  the  connexions  had 
been  cut  we  should  certainly  have  lost  the  War — nothing 
could  have  saved  us.  Fortunately,  things  turned  out  as  some 
of  us  were  optimistic  enough  to  expect,  but  again  we  have  to 
think  of  the  future,  and  we  have  to  remember  the  lessons  of 
the  last  W'ar.  I know,  of  course,  there  are  great  changes — 
great  improvements,  if  you  can  call  them  improvements— in 
the  instruments  of  war.  Probably  different  methods,  but  we 
can  only  go  as  far  as  our  knowledge  allows  us,  and  I hope  this 
point  will  not  be  lost  sight  of.  If  it  were  possible — for  my 
feeling  about  war  is  so  strong,  and  I have  no  doubt  it  is 
shared  by  everyone  present — if  it  were  possible  for  me  by  one 
stroke  of  the  pen  to  strike  out  the  possibility  of  war,  I would 
do  it  without  hesitation,  but  it  is  not.  We  know,  every  one  of 
us,  that  there  are  countries  in  the  world  to-day,  densely- 
inhabited  countries,  that  are  only  kept  within  their  own  boun- 
daries, and  kept  from  inflicting  injustice  on  their  weaker  neigh- 
bours, by  the  fact  that  if  they  did  it  would  probably  bring 
down  on  them  a stronger  ?ower  than  themselves. 

Mr.  Hughes  referred  to  the  financial  side  of  the  question  and 
the  upkeep  of  the  British  navy  of  the  future.  I do  not  suppose 

[64] 


399 


that  New  Zealand  is  in  any  better  financial  position  than  any 
other  country.  We  have  not  been  exactly  crippled,  but  we  feel 
the  result  of  the  War  expenditure,  and  we  are  likely  to  feel  it 
for  some  time  to  come.  But  for  all  that — I speak  on  behalf  of 
New  Zealand — -I  take  the  responsibility  of  saying  that  New 
Zealand  will  find  its  fair  share  of  the  money  necessary  to  pro- 
vide a navy  strong  enough  in  comparison  with  other  navies  to 
defend  the  Pacific  in  case  of  attack.  I hope  it  will  not  be 
necessary,  but  it  is  only  right  that  I should  express  what  I feel, 
and  I feel  very  strongly  after  seeing  what  took  place  on  the 
last  occasion  in  the  Southern  Pacific  upon  the  outbreak  of  war. 
We  have  an  idea  of  the  possibilities  that  the  future  may  bring 
forth,  and  while  I have  a great  deal  of  respect  for  the  opinion 
of  General  Smuts,  I do  think  it  would  be  unwise  to  leave  the 
countries  of  the  Empire — ^which  means  the  Empire  itself — 
absolutely  unprotected.  So  far  as  America  is  concerned,  I 
hope  that  we  shall  be  able  to  join  with  America  in  that 
friendly  co-operation  which  you.  Sir,  referred  to  in  your  ad- 
dress yesterday.  I would  go  the  length  of  saying  that  so  far  as 
I am  concerned,  I am  prepared  to  join  in  any  well  thought  out 
alliance  with  America.  Personally,  I do  not  think  that  is 
possible,  but  whatever  happens  I hope  the  time  will  come  when 
America  and  Britain  will  join  together,  if  for  no  other  purpose 
and  with  no  other  object  than  that  c£  keeping  the  peace  of  the 
world  and  preventing  war. 

General  Smuts  expressed  the  opinion  that  we  should  do 
without  alliances.  I am  sorry,  but  I am  not  able  to  join  in  that 
opinion.  So  far  as  our  Treaties  are  concerned  we  must  stand 
by  them  even  if  for  the  time  being  they  do  not  seem  to  be  to 
our  advantage.  With  regard  to  the  Treaty  which  was  signed 
two  years  ago  at  Versailles,  and  which  provided  that  we — I am 
speaking  of  the  Empire  now — should  come  to  the  assistance  of 
France  in  case  of  necessity — I do  not  know  whether  legally 
that  Treaty  stands.  I doubt  it,  because  America  has  with- 
drawn from  the  position  which  she  then  took  up.  But  so  far 
as  we  are  concerned  I have  no  doubt  about  our  moral  obliga- 
tion. Our  reputation  for  fair  and  honest  dealing  is  one  of  our 

[65] 


400 


best  assets  and  must  be  maintained  at  all  costs.  Then  wie  must 
ask  ourselves  this  question:  We  have  got  through  the  worst 
war  the  world  has  ever  witnessed — I hope  the  world  will  never 
see  another  like  it — but  if  Britain  had  been  compelled  to  stand 
alone  in  that  War,  the  question  that  must  occur  to  each  and 
everyone  of  us  would  be  “Could  Britain  have  been  successful?” 
I doubt  it.  With  all  the  confidence  that  I have  in  the  might 
and  power  of  Britain  and  the  patriotism  of  her  people — and 
their  patriotism  was  proved  by  the  fact  that  one  million  Brit- 
ish citizens — the  flower  of  the  Empire — gave  their  lives  to 
save  the  Empire — I doubt  if  by  ourselves  we  could  have  stood 
up  against  the  Powers  of  Central  Europe  and  have  come  out 
successfully  during  that  War. 

With  regard  to  the  Anglo- Japanese  Treaty,  this  is  probably 
one  of  the  most  important  things  we  have  to  deal  with.  I 
declined  even  to  my  own  Parliament  to  discuss  details  of 
many  matters  which  I felt  confident  would  be  brought  up 
before  this  Conference  comes  to  an  end.  I took  my  Pailia- 
ment  into  my  fullest  confidence  so  far  as  the  proposed  Japan- 
ese Treaty  was  concerned,  and  I told  them  that  in  my  opinion, 
with  whatever  modifications  may  be  necessary,  I was  quite 
prepared  to  support  its  renewal.  It  is  only  right  to  admit  that, 
in  saying  that,  I am  guided  to  a certain  extent  by  what  took 
place  during  the  War  period.  There  was  one  period  of  the 
War,  very  soon  after  the  War  broke  out,  when  New  Zealand 
had  10,000  men  ready  to  send  to  the  front,  and  the  ships  and 
equipment  ready  to  send  them,  and  information  reached  us 
from  an  official  source — that  the  Pacific  was  not  safe.  I had  an 
instinct  that  it  was  not  safe,  but  that  information  decided  me, 
so  far  as  it  was  possible  for  a Prime  Minister  to  decide,  and  I 
appealed,  perhaps  in  strong  terms  and  by  strong  methods 
which  I thought  justified  at  the  time,  to  the  British  Govern- 
ment to  send  us  protection  for  these  10,000  men  before  they 
were  sent  out  into  the  Pacific,  knowing  that  there  was  a strong 
German  squadron  in  those  waters.  The  strength  of  that 
squadron  was  proved  by  what  happened  afterwards,  when 
they  met  two.  quite  good  British  ships — I will  not  say  battle- 

166] 


401 


ships  or  even  big  battle-cruisers,  but  they  met  two  strong 
British  warships — and  sank  them  with  a loss  of  i,6oo  men. 
The  ships  were  the  “Good  Hope”  and,  I think,  the  “Mon- 
mouth.” 

Mr.  Churchill;  Yes,  that  is  right. 

Mr.  Massey;  They  were  there  and  it  was  quite  impossible 
to  find  out  when  our  transport  was  ready  to  sail,  where  the 
German  squadron  was  located.  I felt  that  I could  not  take  the 
responsibility  of  sending  these  men  off  without  protection. 
However,  the  British  Government — I think  Mr.  Churchill 
was  the  head  of  the  Admiralty  at  that  time — acceded  to  our 
request,  and  arrangements  were  made  with  Japan  to  send  out 
a strong  battle-cruiser,  not  a battleship,  with  12-inch  guns, 
and  a powerful  British  cruiser,  the  name  of  which  I have  for- 
gotten but  which  had  been  the  flagship  of  the  China  squadron. 

Mr.  Churchill;  It  was  the  “Minotaur.” 

Mr.  Massey;  When  those  two  ships  came  we  were  perfectly 
safe.  I think  our  anxiety  was  justified  by  the  fact— and  there 
are  very  few  men  to-day  who  will  not  recollect  it — that  that 
was  the  trip  upon  which  the  “Sydney”  sank  the  “Emden.” 
By  that  time,  by  the  way,  the  Australian  ships  had  joined  ours, 
and  in  the  Indian  Ocean  there  were  about  twenty-eight  ships 
or  more  carrying  troops  totalling  probably  28,000  men.  I will 
say  that  we  were  justified  in  New  Zealand  in  our  anxiety  for 
the  safety  of  those  men.  My  support  of  the  Anglo-Japanese 
Treaty  does  not  in  the  very  slightest  affect  the  fact  that  in 
New  Zealand  we  stand  by  our  right  to  choose  our  future 
fellow-citizens,  and  it  is  only  fair  to  say  that  our  legislation  on 
the  subject  has  never  been  found  fault  with  by  either  the 
Japanese  or  any  other  race.  Personally  I do  not  think  there 
will  be  another  war  during  this  generation.  It  is  only  right  to 
say  so,  but  wars  have  come  up  very  unexpectedly  and  it  is 
not  well  to  leave  the  necessary  preparations  until  the  last 
moment.  I trust  that  so  far  as  naval  defence  is  concerned,  and 
it  is  on  naval  defence  that  the  safety  of  the  Empire  of  the 
future  rests,  we  shall  not  be  found  unprepared. 

There  is  just  another  point  arising  out  of  the  proposed  re- 

[67] 


402 


newal  of  the  Japanese  Treaty  and  it  is  this.  Supposing  Japan 
had  been  on  the  other  side?  I do  not  mean  to  say  that  is 
possible,  because  there  was  the  Treaty,  but  the  Treaty  as 
it  is  to-day  did  not  compel  Japan  to  come  into  the  War  in 
the  circumstances  in  connexion  with  which  the  War  was 
fought.  But  supposing  Japan  had  been  on  the  enemy  side, 
one  result  would  have  been  quite  certain,  that  neither  Aus- 
tralia nor  New  Zealand  would  have  been  able  to  send  troops 
to  the  front,  neither  could  we  have  sent  food  or  equipment — 
equipment  for  the  soldiers  and  sailors  or  food  for  the  civil 
population  of  Britain.  It  would  not  have  been  possible.  These 
things  have  all  to  be  remembered  in  connection  with  the 
renewal  of  the  Treaty.  I am  prepared  to  take  the  American 
view  into  consideration.  I do  not  want  to  leave  any  wrong 
impression  on  that  point.  I am  quite  prepared,  as  I said,  to 
join  with  America  to  prevent  war,  but  I must  put  the  posi- 
tion as  it  occurs  to  me  and  as  my  experience  dictates,  and  I 
do  not  think  any  apology  is  necessary  for  my  doing  so. 

There  are  several  points  referred  to  in  the  address  by  the 
Prime  Minister  which  must  come  up  again  before  the  Con- 
ference comes  to  an  end,  and  I was  very  glad  to  hear  what 
was  said  about  reparation.  Apparently  I missed  the  report 
of  the  negotiations:  in  all  probability  the  negotiations  took 
place  between  the  time  I left  New  Zealand  and  before  I 
arrived  here. 

Mr.  Lloyd  George:  That  is  so,  I think. 

Mr.  Massey:  I should  be  very  glad  indeed  to  hear  a state- 
ment made — not  merely  on  my  own  account,  for  I know  it 
will  be  of  interest  to  everyone  present — ^of  what  the  exact 
position  is  so  far  as  reparation  is  concerned. 

Lord  Curzon:  If  we  circulate  the  short  statement  upon 
that  question  it  might  save  trouble. 

Mr.  Massey:  Thank  you,  that  will  be  good  enough  for  me. 

Lord  Curzon:  I will  certainly  let  you  have  it. 

Mr.  Massey:  I want  briefly  to  refer  to  some  matters  which 
I think  should  be  dealt  with.  The  League  of  Nations  has 
already  been  referred  to.  I do  not  know  what  the  future  of 

[68] 


403 


the  League  of  Nations  is  going  to  be  or  what  effect  it  will  have 
in  preventing  war.  I should  like  to  think  it  would  do  all  that 
it  was  intended  to  do  by  its  promoters,  but  we  know,  most  of 
us,  in  past  history  that  attempts  to  prevent  war  have  failed. 
The  Holy  Alliance,  arising  out  of  the  Congress  of  Vienna,  was 
just  one,  and  had  a similar  intention  to  the  League  of  Nations. 
I do  not  want  to  say  the  League  of  Nations  is  beyond  hope, 
because  I know  better,  but  the  Holy  Alliance  did  fail.  I do 
not  want  to  find  fault  with  the  League  of  Nations — but  until 
we  change  human  nature  I am  afraid  it  will  be  impossible  to 
prevent  war,  much  as  we  should  like  to  do  it. 

Then  there  is  the  Imperial  Shipping  Committee  set  up  in 
pursuance  of  a resolution  passed  at  a previous  Imperial  Con- 
ference. I refer  to  what  is  termed  the  Imperial  Shipping 
Committee,  but  I understand  it  is  only  a temporary  arrange- 
ment. In  the  first  place,  I thought  it  was  to  be  a permanent 
organization,  but  so  far  it  is  only  temporary.  I do  not  know 
when  its  term  of  office  comes  to  an  end,  but  I do  want  to 
emphasize  that  the  matter  of  communication  between  differ- 
ent parts  of  the  Empire  is  probably  one  of  the  most  vital 
things  that  this  Conference  could  deal  with.  It  is  the  old 
story  of  the  highways.  If  we  do  not  have  good  highways  be- 
tween different  parts  of  the  Empire,  then  we  shall  find  our- 
selves in  very  serious  trouble,  and  there  is  a very  great  deal  of 
dissatisfaction  at  present  with  the  manner  in  which  shipping 
matters  between  different  countries  of  the  Empire  are  being 
dealt  with  or  arranged.  I do  not  want  to  make  difficulties, 
but  I think  the  position  should  be  faced  and  some  better 
arrangements  made.  I want  to  say  a few  words  about  the 
holding  of  future  Conferences.  One  of  the  difficulties  is,  as 
Mr.  Hughes  and  myself  well  know,  that  it  is  a long  journey 
from  Australia  and  New  Zealand  to  the  heart  of  the  Empire, 
making  it  almost  impossible  to  attend  these  gatherings  yearly, 
and  I think  these  Conferences  should  be  held  yearly,  but  if 
anything  is  going  to  be  done  in  that  way,  we  can  look  for- 
ward to  improvements  in  wireless  and  improvements  in  the 
cable  system,  yet  anything  that  we  do  at  present  must  be 

[69] 


404 


based  upon  steamships  and  railways.  Something  ought  to  be 
done,  and  while  I do  not  want  to  commit  the  country  to  it, 
it  may  resolve  itself  into  a question  of  subsidies  so  that  we 
may  get  our  mails  carried,  and  passengers  carried,  and  our 
products  carried  from  one  country  to  the  other  at  the  lowest 
possible  rates  consistent  with  fair  profits,  and  so  far  as  mails 
and  passengers  are  concerned,  in  a very  much  shorter  time 
than  it  is  taking  at  present. 

There  is  just  one  word  I want  to  say  regarding  another  sub- 
ject, and  I am  only  going  to  refer  to  it  by  way  of  emphasizing 
the  necessity  of  something  being  done.  I mean  the  difficulty 
in  the  New  Hebrides,  where  there  is  a dual  form  of  Govern- 
ment. I am  sure  most  of  the  members  of  the  Conference 
understand  the  position  in  the  New  Hebrides  and  the  condi- 
tions under  which  the  people  are  governed  at  present.  The 
present  system  is  absolutely  unworkable,  and  getting  into  a 
worse  condition  all  the  time.  I do  not  know  what  to  suggest 
— except  that  it  might  be  possible  to  arrange  an  exchange  of 
territory  so  as  to  provide  one  Government  for  these  islands; 
that  ought  to  be  a matter  to  be  put  before  the  French  Govern- 
ment. There  is  no  question  about  the  fertility  of  the  islands. 
There  is  quite  a large  area,  and  a large  native  population 
rapidly  diminishing  in  number. 

In  conclusion,  I would  like  to  say  a word  on  behalf  of  the 
Dominions.  I have  the  utmost  affection  for  the  heart  of  the 
Empire.  It  is  the  Mecca  of  every  British  citizen;  but  I do 
think  that,  in  the  interests  of  both  the  statesmen  of  the  United 
Kingdom  and  the  people  of  the  Dominions,  that  meetings 
should  be  held  periodically  in  the  overseas  countries  of  the 
Empire.  If  my  suggestion  is  given  effect  to,  it  would  give  the 
Prime  Minister  and  Mr.  Churchill — not  both  perhaps  to- 
gether— an  opportunity  of  visiting  the  Dominions.  You  can- 
not govern  the  Empire  from  the  windows  of  Downing  Street. 

I do  hope  the  opportunity  will  be  taken  by  statesmen  at 
present  in  the  United  Kingdom  to  visit  the  overseas  countries 
of  the  Empire,  and  they  will  then  understand  the  views  of 
these  countries  and  the  aspirations  of  their  peoples.  I do  not 

[70] 


405 


think  that  there  is  anything  else  I want  to  say  at  this  juncture. 
I had  no  idea  that  I should  take  up  so  much  time.  I should 
just  like  to  say  this.  The  people  in  New  Zealand  never  be- 
fore seemed  to  appreciate  to  the  same  extent  the  importance 
of  the  Imperial  Conference  until  this  occasion.  They  were 
perhaps  never  so  enthusiastic  on  any  previous  occasions. 
There  was  practically  no  opposition  to  my  coming  to  London, 
and  the  one  point  that  was  impressed  upon  me  in  Parliament 
and  at  the  public  meetings  which  I attended  a few  days  prior 
to  leaving  the  Dominion — the  one  point  that  was  impressed 
upon  me — was  to  stand  for  unity  of  Empire,  and  if  I stood 
by  that  they  would  forgive  all  my  shortcomings  in  other  direc- 
tions. I have  nothing  more  to 'say.  Prime  Minister,  and  again 
I thank  the  members  of  this  Conference  for  listening  to  me  so 
attentively  as  they  have  done. 

OPENING  SPEECH  BY  THE  HONOURABLE 
SRINIVASA  SASTRI 

jC 

The  Honourable  Srinivasa  Sastri:  In  the  meni.  ble 
speech  to  which  we  listened  yesterday,  you  made  a strik  ng 
allusion  to  the  generous  enthusiasms  and  noble  ideals  for 
humanity  which  the  War  has  kindled  everywhere.  India, 
let  me  assure  you,  is  actuated  by  these  enthusiasms  and  ideals 
in  the  same  measure  as  other  parts  of  this  Empire.  That  the 
British  Empire  is  the  most  fitting  exponent  of  these  enthusi- 
asms and  ideals  we  realize,  and  it  is  the  peculiar  good  fortune 
of  India  to  remain  within  the  British  Empire  and  take  part 
in  the  work  that  we  need  ever  increasingly  for  the  realization 
of  these  noble  aims  and  purposes. 

The  Princes  for  whom  my  friend,  His  Highness  the  Maharao 
of  Cutch,  will  speak,  and  the  peoples  of  India  whom  it  is  my 
privilege  to  represent  here  to-day,  send  their  hearty  allegiance 
to  the  Central  Council  of  Empire  on  this  occasion.  We  made 
our  contributions  to  the  conduct  of  the  recent  War;  we  sent 
you  supplies  of  wheat,  making  dangerous  inroads  on  the 
scanty  stocks  of  our  own  people.  We  made  munitions  for  the 
soldiers  to  use  on  the  field  of  battle,  we  made  money  contri- 

[ 71  ] 


4o6 


butions  out  of  our  poverty,  and  we  sent  you  men  to  the  tune 
of  1,274,000,  which  comes  up  to  over  one-half  of  the  total 
overseas  forces  employed  in  the  War. 

Of  these  contributions.  Prime  Minister,  you  made  hand- 
some acknowledgment  yesterday,  and  please  accept  our 
gratitude  for  the  honourable  mention  of  that  fact  in  your 
speech.  We,  His  Highness  the  Maharao  of  Cutch  and  I,  con- 
sider it  a privilege  to  sit  at  this  table  where  history  is  made, 
and  if  I may  strike  a somewhat  personal  note,  not  being  em- 
ployed in  the  service  of  the  Government,  never  having  taken 
a share  in  the  administration  of  public  affairs,  I consider  it  my 
particular  good  fortune  to  sit  alongside  with  statesmen  who 
have  for  generations  moulded  the  destinies  and  fashioned  the 
fortunes  of  their  kind;  but  the  Maharao  of  Cutch  and  I 
cannot  fail  to  remember  that  the  position  we  occupy  here  is 
not  comparable  by  any  means  to  the  position  occupied  by  our 
colleagues  from  the  Dominions.  They  are  called  here  by 
virtue  of  their  being  Prime  Ministers.  We  come  by  nomina- 
tion from  our  Government.  We  realize  that  that  marks  a 
great  difference  in  our  status,  although  not  in  the  privileges 
to  which  we  have  been  admitted  at  these  meetings.  We  hope 
that  next  year,  or  the  year  after,  our  successors,  who  will 
take  our  places  here,  will  come  by  a better  right.  The  person 
who  represents  in  the  place  of  His  Highness  more  than  one- 
third  of  British  territory  in  India  will  probably  be  chosen 
by  the  Chamber  of  Princes  by  election,  and  the  man  who 
takes  my  place  may  likewise  be  elected  by  the  Central  Legis- 
lature of  the  land.  We  have  not  yet  acquired  full  Dominion 
status,  but  we  realize  we  are  planted  firmly  on  the  road  to 
the  acquisition  of  that  status. 

The  Government  of  India  Act  of  1919  forms  a great  land- 
mark in  the  growth  of  Indian  constitution.  There  is  nothing 
in  our  previous  history  with  which  it  can  be  compared,  either 
in  importance  or  in  magnitude.  The  Princes’  Chamber,  which 
is  going  to  play  a great  part  in  the  evolution  of  India,  does  not 
form  an  integral  part  within  the  law  of  our  constitution.  The 
constitution  proper  of  British  India,  inaugurated  by  His 

[72] 


407 


Royal  Highness  the  Duke  of  Connaught,  not  long  ago,  has 
shown  a sense  of  responsibility  and  loyalty  to  the  Empire, 
which,  in  my  judgment,  is  second  to  none  of  the  Parliaments 
within  the  Empire.  The  new  Councils  have  worked  better 
than  we  expected  under  the  wise  and  sleepless  watch  of  the 
Secretary  of  State  for  India.  The  reforms  of  a political  char- 
acter that  have  just  been  started  in  India  are  doing  great  work 
in  placing  us  alongside  the  other  parts  of  the  British  Empire. 
I must  say  that  we  have  our  troubles.  Non-co-operation  has 
only  to  be  mentioned  to  bring  to  your  mind  an  idea  of  the 
perils  in  which  we  have  to  live.  I am  happy  to  say  that  Lord 
Reading,  our  new  Viceroy,  may  be  trusted  fully,  as  recent 
experience  has  proved,  to  deal  with  this  great  danger. 

There  are  many  subjects  to  which  the  Dominion  Prime 
Ministers  have  alluded,  to  which  also,  perhaps,  I may  be 
expected,  on  behalf  of  my  colleagues  and  myself,  to  say  a 
few  words,  but  I will  forbear.  There  are  two  topics  of  high 
domestic  importance  to  which,  perhaps,  this  meeting  will 
permit  me  to  allude,  as  they  will  not  take  up  much  time. 
The  first  question  to  which  I will  draw  your  attention  is  one 
in  which  the  deepest  feelings  of  my  Mohammedan  fellow- 
countrymen  are  engaged.  I will  not  say  much  on  that  topic, 
as  all  the  issues  are  at  present  in  full  vividness  in  your  minds. 
On  the  Maharao  of  Cutch  and  myself,  who  are  Hindoos,  there 
rests  a very  peculiar  duty  of  voicing  the  feelings  of  our  Moslem 
fellow-subjects  on  this  occasion.  I will  only  venture  on  this 
remark — that  in  any  arrangements  that  may  be  made  for 
the  future  of  the  Turkish  Empire,  statesmen  of  the  United 
Kingdom  will  have  to  remember  that  they  must  show  as 
much  chivalry  and  tenderness  as  may  be  expected  from  a 
mighty  victor.  I have  no  manner  of  doubt  in  my  own  mind 
that  you  will  be  actuated  by  these  considerations,  which  are 
always  present  to  those  who  have  inherited  the  great  tradi- 
tions of  British  prowess  and  the  still  greater  traditions  of 
British  sportsmanship. 

There  is  another  subject  of  great  importance  which  I must 
mention — that  is  the  status  enjoyed  by  Indians  in  the  Domin- 

[73] 


4o8 


ions  of  the  British  Empire.  In  noble  words  you  described  this 
Empire,  Sir,  as  a Confederation  of  Races  into  which  willing 
and  free  peoples  had  been  admitted — willing  and  free  peoples; 
consent  is  incongruous  with  inequality  of  races,  and  freedom 
necessarily  implies  admission  of  all  people  to  the  rights  of 
citizenship  without  reservation.  In  impressive  and  far-seeing 
words  the  Prime  Minister  of  South  Africa  alluded  to  the 
establishment  of  everlasting  peace.  Peace  means  a stable 
and  unalterable  relationship  between  communities — based 
on  honourable  equality  and  recognition  of  equality  of  status. 
To  embody  this  ideal,  there  are  deductions  from  it  now  in 
actual  practice;  we  are  going  to  submit,  I mean  our  Indian 
Delegation,  for  the  consideration  of  this  Cabinet,  a resolution, 
the  terms  of  which  I understand  have  already  been  com- 
municated to  you.  This  is  a resolution  that  will  be  regarded 
in  India  as  the  test  by  which  the  whole  position  must  be 
judged.  I won’t  say  more  than  that.  It  is  of  supreme  impor- 
tance that  that  subject  should  be  considered  and  disposed  of 
satisfactorily  at  this  meeting,  and  it  is  of  the  most  urgent 
and  pressing  importance  that  we  should  be  enabled  to  carry 
back  a message  of  hope  and  of  good  cheer.  There  is  no  con- 
viction more  strongly  in  our  minds  than  this,  that  a full  en- 
joyment of  citizenship  within  the  British  Empire  applies, 
not  only  to  the  United  Kingdom,  but  to  every  self-governing 
Dominion  within  its  compass.  We  have  already.  Sir,  as  you 
are  aware,  agreed  to  a subtraction  from  the  integrity  of  the 
rights  of  the  compromise  of  1918  to  which  my  predecessor. 
Lord  Sinha,  was  a party,  that  each  Dominion  and  each  self- 
governing  part  of  the  Empire  should  be  free  to  regulate  the 
composition  of  its  population  by  suitable  immigration  laws. 
On  that  compromise  there  is  no  intention  whatever  to  go 
back,  but  we  plead  on  behalf  of  those  who  are  already  fully 
domiciled  in  the  various  self-governing  Dominions  according 
to  the  laws  under  which  those  Dominions  are  governed — to 
these  people  there  is  no  reason  whatever  to  deny  the  full  rights 
of  citizenship,  it  is  for  them  that  we  plead;  where  they  are 
lawfully  settled,  they  must  be  admitted  into  the  general  body 

[74] 


409 


of  citizenship  and  no  deduction  must  be  made  from  the  rights 
that  other  British  subjects  enjoy.  It  is  my  unfortunate  part 
to  have  drawn  prominent  attention  to  what  we  consider  a 
great  defect  in  the  present  arrangements.  It  may  seem  to  be 
of  comparatively  trifling  importance  to  the  other  issues  we 
have  to  consider.  I only  plead  that  there  should  be  no  occa- 
sion for  small  bickerings,  no  occasion  for  mutual  recrimina- 
tions amongst  us.  We  have  great  tasks.  Let  little  things  be 
got  out  of  the  way.  I only  wish  that  all  our  common  energies 
should  be  bent  towards  realizing  more  and  more  within  the 
Empire  and  extending  further  and  further  outside  the  British 
Empire,  those  generous  ideals  of  progress  to  which.  Sir,  you 
gave  such  inspiring  and,  if  I may  say  so,  such  alluring  expres- 
sion yesterday. 

STATEMENT  BY  MR.  CHURCHILL  ON  THE  COLONIES  ETC. 

Mr.  Churchill:  The  Prime  Minister  has  asked  me  to  give 
a brief  statement  to  the  Conference,  or  meeting,  however  we 
are  to  define  it,  about  the  Colonies  and  possessions  which  are 
administered  directly  under  the  Colonial  Office,  and  I need 
hardly  say  that  if  I were  to  attempt  to  give  you  a picture  of 
the  condition  of  these  States  I should  occupy  an  enormous 
amount  of  time,  because  each  one  is  a story  in  itself  full  of 
interest  and  full  of  romance.  In  every  one  of  these  Colonies 
there  are  problems  similar  to  those  in  larger  States,  though  on 
a smaller  scale.  In  some  cases,  indeed,  they  are  more  com- 
plex than  those  which  are  found  in  great  States,  because  in 
many  of  them  there  are  great  differences  of  race.  Their 
finances  are  also  complicated.  Some  are  so  exiguous  that  the 
sale  of  postage  stamps  to  those  who  take  an  interest  in 
philately  is  an  important  feature  in  their  revenue.  The  pro- 
duction of  turtles  is  in  one  case  almost  the  staple  source  of 
export  and  of  revenue.  Others  are  great,  wealthy,  prosperous 
Protectorates,  exporting  forty  million  or  fifty  million  pounds’ 
worth  of  goods  to  this  country,  and  supplying  Great  Britain, 
and  to  a certain  extent  the  Empire,  with  the  raw  materials 
of  some  of  their  essential  and  vital  industries. 

[75] 


410 


As  long  as  the  War  lasted,  practically  all  the  Colonies  and 
Dependencies  were  very  prosperous,  but  with  the  arrival  of 
the  happy  conditions  of  peace  a wave  of  depression  has  fallen 
upon  almost  every  one  of  them  so  far  as  their  trade  is  con- 
cerned. During  the  War  we  got  our  tin  from  Malaya,  plum- 
bago from  Ceylon,  wolfram  from  Hong  Kong,  mahogany  for 
frames  of  aeroplanes  from  Honduras,  fine  cotton  for  their 
wings  from  the  West  Indian  Islands.  The  sugar  producing 
Colonies  were  prosperous  beyond  their  dreams.  The  oils  and 
fats  of  West  Africa,  which  used  largely  to  go  to  Germany, 
were  useful  to  us,  and  their  loss  was  crippling  to  the  Germans. 
The  Falkland  Islands  industry  of  whaling  was  stimulated  for 
War  purposes,  and  they  benefited  thereby.  Moreover,  during 
the  War,  when  human  passions  were  at  such  a volcanic  pitch, 
we  were  happily  spared  the  cataclysms  of  nature.  The  hurri- 
canes, earthquakes,  droughts,  which  from  time  to  time  ruin 
the  economic  margin  on  which  some  of  the  Colonies  exist, 
were  happily  absent,  and  it  almost  looked  as  if  Nature  were 
holding  her  hand  to  leave  the  field  entirely  free  for  the 
devastating  activities  of  man. 

But  the  creeping  paralysis  of  depression  has  spread  to  almost 
all  the  Colonial  industries  which  flourished  during  the  War. 
The  tin  on  which  Malaya  depends  so  much  cannot  now  obtain 
a price  which  covers  the  cost  of  production.  Nigerian  tin  is 
in  the  same  position.  The  price  of  rubber  does  not  cover  the 
cost  of  production.  We  have  been  approached  with  pressure 
to  enforce  schemes  of  a compulsory  limitation  of  output,  but 
we  have  not  felt  able  to  accept  such  schemes.  From  almost 
every  one  of  the  Colonies  complaints  are  coming  in  that  its 
principal  products  cannot  now  be  sold  at  a profit.  Even  the 
sugar  Colonies,  principally  Jamaica  and  British  Guiana,  are 
in  difficulty  about  the  disposal  of  their  crop.  The  cotton  crops 
of  Uganda  and  Nyasaland  have  suffered  very  heavily  from 
the  fall  in  prices  and  the  same  w’ould  have  been  true  of  West 
Africa  but  for  the  broad-minded  action  of  the  British  Cotton 
Growing  Association,  which,  rather  than  discourage  the 
native  producer  by  a sudden  overthrow  in  the  price  at  which 

[76] 


he  has  been  led  to  hope  to  produce,  have  been  purchasing 
cotton  at  a price  which  involves  a loss  to  that  Association  of 
£400,000  or  £500,000  in  the  present  year.  We  are  told  that 
this  period  of  depression  is  only  a temporary  phase.  I do  not 
know  how  far  that  is  true.  The  decline  in  the  consuming 
power  of  the  world,  which  is  making  its  effect  felt  on  the 
highly  organized  industries  of  Britain  and,  I have  no  doubt, 
of  the  Dominions,  is  by  repercussion  producing  a similar 
result  upon  the  raw  materials  which  are  produced  by  our 
tropical  dependencies,  and  practically  every  one  of  the  budgets 
of  these  Colonies  and  Protectorates  is  going  through  a period 
of  extreme  financial  difficulty  and  even  crisis.  The  violent 
fluctuations  in  the  value  of  money  and  the  changes  which 
affect  the  greatest  States,  operate  with  far  more  direct  and 
unshielded  force  upon  those  smaller  organizations,  and  there- 
fore as  far  as  the  immediate  situation  of  the  present  is  con- 
cerned, we  are  passing  through  a stormy  period  in  the  eco- 
nomic and  commercial  life  of  practically  all  the  Colonies. 
But  if  one  leaves  the  immediate  difficulties  and  turns  to  their 
great  and  undoubted  wealth  and  potential  capabilities,  one 
cannot  help  feeling  how  magnificent  is  the  asset  which  the 
British  Empire  possesses,  and  of  which,  pending  the  develop- 
ment of  more  responsible  and  representative  forms  of  gov- 
ernment in  these  Colonies,  we  in  Great  Britain  and  at  the 
Colonial  Office  are  the  trustees. 

My  submission  to  the  Conference  is  that  we  must  not  lose 
heart  in  any  way  about  these  splendid  tropical  possessions 
which  we  have,  but  endeavour  to  secure  credit  and  money  for 
them  to  give  them  that  essential  technical  apparatus  they 
require  to  develop  their  great  resources.  In  them  you  find 
every  conceivable  product  that  the  world  knows  of,  and  every 
contributing  factor  even  to  the  most  highly  organized  super- 
fine forms  of  industry.  Nothing  is  lacking,  and  now  that  we 
see  the  American  exchange  is  largely  turned  against  us,  and 
we  have  such  great  payments  to  make  to  them,  we  ought 
really  more  and  more  to  turn  our  attention  to  trying  to  develop 
these  wonderful  hot-houses,  these  great  tropical  gardens  and 

[77] 


412 


plantations,  so  as  to  be  able  to  purchase  as  far  as  possible  the 
raw  products  that  we  want  from  them.  How  can  any  money 
invested  in  these  places  go  out  from  the  Dominions,  or  from 
the  mother  country?  It  can  only  go  out  in  the  shape  of  the 
products  of  labour.  How  can  it  return — in  capital  or  interest 
or  in  profit?  It  can  only  come  back  in  these  raw  materials 
which  we  especially  and  particularly  need,  and  which  may 
some  day  make  us  independent  in  the  most  remarkable  way 
of  many  foreign  lands. 

I feel  that  this  is  a matter  which,  although  it  is  confined  to 
the  Colonial  Office  and  to  this  country  at  the  present  time, 
should  more  and  more  engage  the  sympathies  and  interest  of 
the  self-governing  Dominions.  I illustrate  this  particularly 
by  the  West  Indies.  In  the  summer  of  1920  a trade  agreement 
was  made  between  the  Canadian  Government  and  repre- 
sentatives of  all  the  West  Indian  Colonies.  It  is  not  merely  a 
remarkable  instance  of  Imperial  preference,  but  it  promotes 
unity  with  the  Empire  through  the  development  of  Imperial 
communications,  which  the  Prime  Minister  will  remember 
he  and  I have  always  considered  one  of  the  most  promising 
lines  along  which  we  can  advance,  ever  since  the  Conference 
which  he.  Sir  Thomas  Smartt,  and  I attended  in  the  year  1907. 
Two  lines  of  steamers,  one  entirely  new,  will  now  connect  all 
the  West  Indian  Colonies  with  the  Dominion  of  Canada.  I 
hope  Mr.  Meighen  and  the  Canadian  Government  will 
advance  with  increasing  confidence  on  this  path,  because  it 
seems  to  me  that,  for  all  the  greatness  of  Canada  and  its 
tremendous  producing  potentialities,  it  is  not  a complete 
entity  without  connexion  with  these  semi-tropical  islands. 
Compared  to  the  United  States,  Canada  lies  wholly  to  the 
north  with  northern  products,  whereas  the  United  States  can 
produce  all  that  Canada  can  produce,  or  very  nearly  all,  and 
yet  reaches  down  to  Florida  and  regions  which  give  her  a 
semi-tropical  sphere.  But  if  the  association  between  Canada 
and  the  West  Indian  Islands  is  developed  and  goes  on,  Canada 
becomes  equipped  with  an  immense  range  of  products  which 
makes  her,  from  an  economic  point  of  view,  a far  more  com- 

[78] 


413 


plete  entity,  and  therefore  I look  forward  to  everything  which 
tends  to  promote  a close  association  between  these  West 
Indian  Islands  and  the  Dominion.  It  is  not  only  from  the 
point  of  view  of  commerce  alone,  but  they  are  among  the  most 
beautiful  islands  in  the  world.  They  are  salubrious  and 
balmy,  and  it  might  be  they  would  be  a place  of  agreeable 
resort  at  seasons  of  the  year  when  the  climate  of  Canada  is 
sometimes  rigorous. 

Mr.  Meighen:  Bermuda  is  the  chief  one  from  that  point 
of  view,  and  Bermuda  has  declined  to  ratify  the  reciprocity 
agreement. 

Mr.  Churchill:  We  shall'endeavour  to  use  our  influence 
as  far  as  possible  to  secure  the  general  acceptance  of  it.  So 
far  as  the  constitutional  developments  in  the  Colonies  are 
concerned,  progress  has  been  continuous,  and  latterly,  espe- 
cially since  the  War,  very  rapid.  We  have  every  form  of  gov- 
ernment, ranging  from  benevolent  autocracies  tempered  by 
Downing  Street,  to  two-Chamber  systems,  resting  upon  at 
least  one  of  the  Chambers  being  fully  elected.  For  instance, 
the  island  of  Bermuda  celebrated  its  tercentenary  of  repre- 
sentative institutions  dating  from  the  day  when  the  first 
general  assembly  of  the  islands  was  made,  and  therefore  can 
boast  a seniority  which  no  existing  State  in  Europe  or  America 
can  disdain.  In  Mauritius  there  was  a movement  to  promote 
an  agitation  for  a retrocession  of  the  island  to  France,  but  this 
movement  has  received  a decisive  check  at  the  recent  elec- 
tions, in  which  all  the  retrocessionist  candidates  have  been 
signally  defeated.  There  has  been  a strong  movement  in 
Ceylon  for  a more  popular  control  over  the  government  of 
the  Colony,  following  upon  the  movement  which  Mr.  Montagu 
and  his  predecessors  have  driven  forward,  fostered,  and 
nourished  in  India,  and  a new  constitution  has  been  granted 
which  gives  a majority  in  the  Legislature  to  the  unofficial 
element.  In  the  Kenya  Colony  a new  constitution  has  been 
granted  giving  an  elective  basis  for  the  unofficial  members 
of  the  Council,  instead  of  the  nominated  basis  which  existed 
hitherto.  Uganda  has  reached  such  a stage  of  development 

[79] 


414 


that  they  have  a Legislative  Council  with  nominated  member- 
ship. In  Malta  a novel  experiment  has  been  tried  by  my  prede- 
cessor, and  we  hope  it  will  succeed.  Everybody  knows  the 
argument  against  giving  Malta  a Constitution.  It  was  said 
you  might  as  well  give  a Constitution  to  a battleship.  We 
have  arrived  at  a dyarchical  system — two  Governments  in  the 
island,  one  elective,  dealing  with  Maltese  affairs,  and  the 
other  dealing  with  purely  military  and  naval  interests. 

General  Smuts  will  no  doubt  wish  to  discuss,  and  Sir 
Thomas  Smartt  also,  the  conditions  which  prevail  in  Rhodesia. 

I hope  that  a delegation  of  Rhodesians  will  arrive  in  this 
country  before  General  Smuts  has  to  leave.  I have  telegraphed 
about  this.  Of  course,  Rhodesia  is  a young  organization  to 
be  trusted  with  full  responsible  government.  Its  population 
is  smaller  than  Natal,  when  she  obtained  responsible  gov- 
ernment. On  the  other  hand,  the  settlers  are  discontented 
with  the  present  state  of  affairs.  The  Chartered  Company  is 
passing  away,  and  it  therefore  has  little  incentive  to  spend 
money  on  the  development  of  the  country.  I should  like  to 
say,  if  I may,  that  the  work  of  this  Chartered  Company  has 
been  a very  wonderful  work  for  the  British  Empire.  The 
shareholders  have  never  received  a penny  in  dividends,  and 
they  may  never  be  able  to  secure  more  than  a portion  of  their 
capital.  A splendid  region  has  been  acquired  and  developed 
to  a large  extent,  and  it  has  all  been  done  entirely  by  the 
voluntary  effort  of  private  capital.  I hope,  whatever  arrange- 
ments are  made,  we  shall  not  be  animated  by  any  spirit  of 
prejudice  towards  this  Company,  who,  I think,  has  rendered 
enormous  service  to  the  British  Empire.  As  an  alternative  to 
responsible  government,  there  is  the  question  of  the  incor- 
poration of  Rhodesia  in  the  Union.  There  can  only  be  one 
destination  for  Rhodesia  ultimately,  and  the  only  question  we 
have  to  consider — I will  not  say  the  only  question,  but  the 
main  question — is,  what  is  the  psychological  moment.  One 
wants  Rhodesia  to  be  at  man’s  estate  before  she  joins  the 
Union,  and  to  join  it  willingly  and  as  a partner.  After  all, 
Rhodesia  is  an  enormous  factor  in  the  whole  South  African 

[8o] 


415 


situation.  We  must  remember  that  they  are  very  much  in- 
clined to  resent  anything  like  an  attempt  to  dispose  of  their 
destiny  over  their  heads. 

The  native  question  is,  of  course,  a very  serious  one  there, 
and  I think  I was  quite  right  to  try  and  get  these  Rhodesian 
delegates  here  at  the  time  when  General  Smuts  and  Sir 
Thomas  Smartt  are  here,  in  order  to  discuss  the  whole  position 
with  the  Colonial  Office.  Also,  we  do  not  want  to  have  any 
appearance  of  dictation.  I trust  that  the  conversations  we 
shall  have  when  they  are  here  will  result  in  some  arrangement 
that  is  satisfactory. 

We  have  gone  on  slowly  developing  Imperial  communica- 
tions. Of  course,  we  have  got  very  little  money.  The  great 
expense  of  Palestine  and  Mesopotamia  has  thrown  such  bur- 
dens upon  our  backs  that  everything  in  regard  to  the  Colonies 
has  been  very  severely  pruned.  Still,  we  are  developing. 

In  East  Africa,  I am  hoping  at  last  to  make  the  deep  water 
pier  at  Kilindini.  When  I left  the  Colonial  Office  in  the  be- 
ginning of  1908,  I had  already  succeeded  in  getting  it  settled 
to  make  this  deep-water  pier.  It  was  definitely  settled.  The 
Uganda  Railway,  built  at  enormous  expense  by  the  Imperial 
Government,  stops  forty  feet  short  of  deep  water.  With  such 
a pier  you  would  be  able  to  unload  from  the  ocean  steamers 
on  to  the  railway  which  runs  up  hundreds  of  miles  to  the  great 
lakes,  but  these  forty  feet  intervene,  and  everything  has  now 
to  be  unloaded  from  the  steamers  into  lighters  and  from  the 
lighters  on  to  the  railway.  All  articles  are  subject  to  a charge 
in  which  local  vested  interests  are  deeply  concerned.  I came 
back  to  the  Colonial  Office  after  thirteen  years’  absence,  and 
I found  still  the  same  forty  feet  intervening.  The  same 
lighterage  interests  are  deriving  their  profits,  and  the  whole 
of  the  great  transport  of  the  War  supplies  was  handled  in  this 
inefficient  and  wasteful  manner.  However,  we  hope  now  to 
take  that  up  and  give  the  Uganda  Railway  what  it  requires 
— its  deep-water  connexion.  A new  line,  a feeder  line,  we 
hope  to  develop  to  the  railway  from  the  Uasin  Gishu  Plateau, 
which  will  tap  the  rich  district  now  being  opened  up  by  the 

I 81] 


4I6 


soldier  settlers,  and  will  form  the  first  link  to  the  Congo  Basin. 
A new  line  from  Nyasaland  to  Chindio  on  the  Zambesi  has 
been  constructed.  An  extension  of  the  existing  system  to 
Lake  Nyasa  is  now  being  considered,  and  in  East  Africa  gen- 
erally we  are  trying  not  only  railways,  but  all  forms  of  light 
transport,  including  road  railways.  I am  not  at  all  sure  that 
the  tank  has  not  a part  to  play  in  some  of  these  countries.  I 
do  not  mean  the  war  tank,  but  a caterpillar  vehicle  capable 
of  collecting  the  produce  from  the  scattered  estates  and 
bringing  it  to  the  railways. 

The  Northern  Nigerian  Railway  which  we  carried  through 
many  years  ago  at  the  Colonial  Office  is  now  a very  paying, 
prosperous  proposition,  and  it  is  joined  up  with  the  Southern 
Nigerian  Railway  crossing  the  Niger  by  a fine  bridge  at  Jebba. 
It  reaches  right  up  to  Kano,  with  a branch  to  Bauchi.  The 
bridge  across  the  Benue  River  will  contain  a span  800  feet  in 
length,  and  will  be  the  third  longest  span  in  the  British 
Empire.  The  whole  of  Nigeria  is  self-supporting.  It  is  mov- 
ing rapidly  ahead.  The  natives  are  very  prosperous.  We 
have  difficulty  in  getting  them  to  come  forward  as  soldiers, 
although  the  force  maintained  is  a very  small  one,  on  account 
of  the  big  wages  to  be  obtained.  The  cost  of  export  to  Lan- 
cashire of  cotton  would  be  very  much  less  if  it  were  not  that 
the  local  purchaser  was  attracted  by  the  idea  of  being  able 
to  wear  clothes  in  increasing  abundance.  There  is  no  doubt 
that  the  two  Nigerias  will  absolutely  vindicate  the  exertions 
made  on  their  behalf  by  the  late  Mr.  Joseph  Chamberlain. 
They  constitute  one  of  the  most  solid  and  valuable  possessions 
of  the  British  Crown,  and  will  repay  handsomely  any  further 
support  by  British  credit  which  they  may  need.  The  extension 
of  the  Nigerian  Eastern  Railway,  which  at  present  consists 
of  a line  of  150  miles,  is  being  taken  in  hand,  and  when  com- 
plete the  whole  Eastern  system  will  have  600  miles  of  line  and 
will  serve  the  rich  tin  mines.  There  are  both  coal  and  tin 
mines,  and  these  are  all  capable  of  being  worked,  not  by 
shafts,  but  by  galleries. 

Mr.  Lloyd  George:  Is  the  coal  rich? 

[82] 


417 


Mr.  Winston  Churchill:  Not  compared  to  the  best  fields 
of  England,  but  quite  enough  to  run  the  whole  of  Nigeria. 

Mr.  Lloyd  George:  I mean  the  quality. 

Mr.  Winston  Churchill:  The  quality  is  fairly  good,  quite 
good  enough.  At  the  terminus  of  the  Eastern  Railway  on 
the  Nigerian  coast  an  important  wharfage  scheme  has  been 
planned.  We  are  spending  on  it  half-a-million,  not  of  our 
money,  Nigerian  money.  The  most  important  wharfage 
scheme  is  at  Lagos,  where  iL+  millions  are  being  spent  on  the 
terminus  of  the  main  railway— i, 800  feet  of  wharves  built  of 
concrete  blocks,  and  so  on.  A deep-water  harbour  is  contem- 
plated at  Secondee  on  the  Gold  Coast.  Thus  we  are  steadily 
developing,  in  spite  of  the  difficulties  of  the  present  time,  our 
great  tropical  possessions. 

Coming  to  the  other  side  of  the  world,  a small  but  necessary 
extension  of  the  Ceylon  Government  Railway  has  been  under- 
taken to  open  up  rice-growing  districts  and  relieve  the  Colony 
from  her  dependence  on  oversea  sources  of  food  supply. 
Then  we  come  to  the  Federated  Malay  States.  Their  rail- 
ways were  joined  up  with  the  Siamese  Government  Railways 
on  the  1st  July,  1918.  The  Federated  Malay  States  railway 
system  now  comprises  950  miles  of  line,  all  built  out  of  cur- 
rent revenue,  and  loans  have  been  made  to  Siam  by  the 
Federated  Malay  States  on  easy  terms  to  enable  the  con- 
nexion to  be  made  between  the  two  systems — a through 
train  now  runs  from  Singapore  to  Bangkok,  and  a further 
connexion  is  being  made  along  the  East  Coast. 

The  Federated  Malay  States  form  a most  important  feature 
in  our  administration.  The  Conference  will  remember  the 
gift  of  the  battleship  “Malaya”  in  the  year  1912  just  in  the 
nick  of  time  for  it  to  be  ready.  It  was  the  most  powerful 
battleship  then  constructed.  It  was  one  of  the  five  fast  and 
powerful  battleships  of  the  “Queen  Elizabeth”  type,  and  cost 
£3,000,000.  Had  our  dreams  of  a great  sea  battle  materialized 
there  is  no  doubt  that  these  ships  would  have  played  a very 
decisive  part  in  turning  the  head  of  the  enemy’s  line.  In  many 
other  ways  the  Federated  Malay  States  have  voluntarily 

[83] 


418 


come  to  our  aid.  They  have  given  us  more  assistance  than 
any  other  part  of  the  Colonial  Empire  has  been  able  to  do. 
At  the  present  moment  they  are  hard  hit  on  account  of  the 
tin  and  rubber  prices  prevailing,  but  I am  sure  these  condi- 
tions are  temporary.  The  modern  world  cannot  get  on  without 
these  commodities.  Then  I mention  the  name  of  the  great 
port  of  Singapore,  that  is  a matter  which  the  Conference  will 
have  brought  before  them  on  other  days  when  we  discuss 
Pacific  strategy  generally,  but  it  will  certainly  bulk  increas- 
ingly largely  in  all  our  minds  as  the  years  go  by. 

Now,  I have  only  one  other  topic  which  I wish  to  refer  to 
because  I do  not  want  to  trespass  too  long  on  the  attention  of 
the  Conference.  It  was  raised  by  Mr.  Srinivasa  Sastri  this 
morning,  the  question  of  the  Indian  settlers  in  some  of  our 
Colonies,  and  no  doubt  that  problem  also  occurs  in  South 
Africa  to  a certain  extent.  I think  there  is  only  one  ideal  that 
the  British  Empire  can  set  before  itself  in  this  regard,  and 
that  is  that  there  should  be  no  barrier  of  race,  colour,  or  creed 
which  should  prevent  any  man  by  merit  from  reaching  any 
station  if  he  is  fitted  for  it.  At  any  rate  I do  not  feel  able  to 
adopt  any  lesser  statement  of  principle  in  regard  to  the 
Colonies,  but  such  a principle  has  to  be  very  carefully  and 
gradually  applied  because  intense  local  feelings  are  excited, 
and  there  is  no  doubt  that  extraordinary  social  stresses  arise 
when  populations  are  intimately  mingled  in  some  of  these 
new  countries  and  brought  into  severe  economic  competition. 
The  question  reaches  its  most  acute  form  in  Kenya. 

These  matters  are  now  being  discussed,  and  I hope  to 
find  a means  of  overcoming  difficulties  in  the  application 
of  the  broad  principles. 

There  is  one  other  point  which  I should  mention,  that  is  the 
Tanganyika  territory  which  was  acquired  in  the  War,  It 
was  wrecked  in  the  War;  and  we  had  to  form  an  entirely  new 
Administration  over  the  whole  place.  We  have  endeavoured 
to  equip  it  with  a Government  not  inferior  to  the  German 
Administration  which  it  had  replaced,  with  the  result,  that  in 
the  present  year,  we  shall  have  a considerable  deficit  on  the 

[84] 


419 


Colony’s  administration,  and  I am  very  sorry  to  say  that  of 
the  £1,500,000  which  I asked  for,  the  Chancellor  of  the  Ex- 
chequer was  unable  to  afford  to  give  me  more  than  £914,000, 
and  I am  afraid  that  in  a year  or  two  the  state  of  the  Tangan- 
yika Territory  will  compare  unfavourably  with  its  progress 
and  prosperity  when  it  was  in  the  hands  of  our  late  opponents. 
However,  we  will  do  the  best  we  can. 

I think.  Prime  Minister,  although  that  is  not  by  any  means 
all  I could  say,  because,  frankly,  I could  go  on  all  night  talking 
of  these  places  one  by  one — I think  that  gives  the  members 
of  the  Conference  a view  of  that  other  enormous  section  of 
the  British  Empire^  which,  at  any  rate,  ought  to  be  present 
in  our  minds  for  the  completeness  of  the  discussion  which  is 
now  in  progress. 

[Note:  The  report  of  the  Conference,  as  published  by  the  British 
Government,  contains  a statement  by  Mr.  Balfour  on  the  League  of 
Nations  (Appendix  II),  the  report  of  the  Imperial  Air  Communica- 
tions Committee  (Appendix  III),  a memorandum  on  the  Intercom- 
munication and  Dissemination  of  News  within  the  British  Empire 
(Appendix  IV),  a report  of  a Conference  on  State-Aided  Empire 
Settlement  (Appendix  V),  a memorandum  on  Empire  Patent  (Appen- 
dix VI),  a memorandum  on  the  Nationality  of  Children  Born  Abroad 
of  British  Parents  (Appendix  VII),  and  the  Reply  from  His  Majesty 
the  King  to  the  Address  from  the  Conference  (Appendix  VIII). 
Lack  of  space  has  made  it  necessary  to  omit  them  in  this  reprint. — 
The  Editors.] 


[85] 


.LIST  OF  PUBLICATIONS 


Nos.  I-I4S  (April,  1907,  to  August,  ipip).  Including  papers  by  Baron 
d'Estournelles  de  Constant,  George  Trumbull  Ladd,  Elihu  Root,  Barrett 
Wendell,  Charles  E.  Jefferson,  Seth  Low,  John  Bassett  Moore,  William  James, 
•Andrew  Carnegie,  Pope  Pius  X,  Heinrich  Lammasch,  Norman  Angell,  Charles 
W.  Eliot,  Sir  Oliver  Lodge,  Lord  Haldane,  Alfred  H.  Fried,  James  Bryce,  and 
others;  also  a series  of  official  documents  dealing  with  the  European  War, 
the  League  of  Nations,  the  Peace  Conference,  and  with  several  of  the  political 
problems  resulting  from  the  War.  A list  of  titles  and  authors  will  be  sent  on 
application. 

146.  International  Labor  Conventions  and  ReSommendations.  January,  1920. 

147.  Some  Bolshevist  Portraits.  February,  1920. 

148.  Certain  Aspects  of  Bolshevist  Movement  in  Russia.  Parti.  March,  1920. 

149.  Certain  Aspectsof  the  Bolshevist  MovementinRussia.  Partll.  April, 1920. 

150.  German  Secret  War  Documents.  May,  1920. 

151.  Present  Day  Conditions  in  Europe,  by  Henry  P.  Davison;  Message  of 

President  Wilson  to  the  Congress  on  the  United  States  and  the  Arme- 
nian Mandate;  Report  of  the  American  Military  Mission  to  Armenia, 
June,  1920. 

152.  Switzerland  and  the  League  of  Nations:  Documents  Concerning  the 

Accession  of  Switzerland  to  the  League  of  Nations;  the  United  States 
and  the  League  of  Nations;  Reservations  of  the  United  States  Senate 
of  November,  1919,  and  March,  1920.  July,  1920. 

153.  The  Treaty  of  Peace  with  Germany  in  the  United  States  Senate,  by 

George  A.  Finch.  August,  1920. 

154.  The  National  Research  Council,  by  Vernon  Kellogg;  The  International 

Organization  of  Scientific  Research,  by  George  Ellery  Hale;  The  Inter- 
national Union  of  Academies  and  the  American  Council  of  Learned 
Societies,  by  Waldo  G.  Leland.  September,  1920. 

155.  Notes  Exchanged  on  the  Russian-Polish  Situation  by  the  United  States, 

France  and  Poland.  October,  1920. 

iSfi.  Presentation  of  the  Saint-Gaudens  Statue  of  Lincoln  to  the  British 
People,  July  28,  1920.  November,  1920. 

157.  Draft  Scheme  of  Permanent  Court  of  International  Justice.  December, 

1920. 

158.  The  Communist  Party  in  Russia  and  Its  Relation  to  the  Third  Inter- 

national and  to  the  Russian  Soviets.  Part  I.  January,  1921. 

159.  The  Communist  Party  in  Russia  and  Its  Relation  to  the  Third  Interna- 

tional and  to  the  Russian  Soviets.  Part  II.  February,  1921. 

160.  Central  European  Relief,  by  Herbert  Hoover;  Relief  for  Europe,  by 

Herbert  Hoover;  Intervention  on  Behalf  of  the  Children  in  Countries 
Affected  by  the  War,  by  the  Swiss  Delegation  to  the  Assembly  of  the 
League  of  Nations;  The  Typhus  Epidemic  in  Central  Europe,  by  the 
Right  Hon.  A.  J.  Balfour;  Report  of  the  Special  Commission  on 
Typhus  in  Poland,  to  the  Assembly  of  the  League  of  Nations.  March, 

1921. 

161.  Disarmament  in  its  Relation  to  the  Naval  Policy  and  the  Naval  Build- 

ing Program  of  the  United  States,  by  Arthur  H.  Pollen.  April.  1921. 

162.  Addresses  on  German  Reparation  by  the  Rt.  Hon.  David  Lloyd  George 

and  Dr.  Walter  Simons,  London,  March  3rd  and  7th,  1921.  May,  1921. 

163.  The  Fiftieth  Anniversary  of  the  French  Republic.  June,  1921. 

164.  Convention  for  the  Control  of  the  Trade  in  Arms  and  Ammunition,  and 

Protocol,  signed  at  Saint-(jermain-En-Laye,  September  10,  1919- 
July,  1921. 

165.  Addresses  at  the  Fifteenth  Annual  Meeting  of  the  American  Society  of 

International  Law,  by  the  Hon.  Elihu  Root.  August,  1921. 

166.  Constitution  of  the  Permanent  Mandates  Commission;  Terms  of  the  "C” 

Mandates;  Franco-British  Convention  of  December  23,  1920;  Corre- 
spondence between  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States  Respecting 
Economic  Rights  in  the  Mandated  Territories;  The  San  Remo  Oil 
Agreement.  September,  1921. 

167.  Present  Problems  of  the  Cemmonwealth  of  British  Nations;  Conference 

of  Prime  Ministers  and  Representatives  of  the  United  Kingdom,  the 
Dominions  and  India,  held  in  June,  July  and  August. 

Copies  of  the  above,  so  far  as  they  can  be  spared,  will  be  sent  to  libraries 
and  educational  institutions  for  permanent  preservation  postpaid  upon  receipt 
of  a request  addressed  to  the  Secretary  of  the  American  Association  for  Inter- 
national Conciliation. 

A charge  of  five  cents  will  be  made  for  copies  sent  to  individuals.  Regular 
subscription  rate  twenty-five  cents  for  one  year,  or  one  dollar  for  five  year.®. 

[86] 


AMERICAN  ASSOCIATION 
FOR  INTERNATIONAL  CONCILIATION 


Executive  Committee 


Dr.  Nicholas  Murray  Butler,  Chairman 
George  Blumenxhal  Thomas  W.  Lamont 

Gano  Dunn  Stephen  Henry  Olin 

Robert  A.  Franks  James  L.  Slayden 

Joseph  P.  Grace  James  Speyer 


Secretary 

Henry  S.  Haskell 


Director  of  Interamerican  Division 

Peter  H.  Goldsmith 


Correspondents 

Sir  William  J.  Collins,  London,  England 
Edoardo  Giretti,  Bricherasio,  Italy 
Christian  L.  Lange,  Geneva,  Switzerland 
T.  Miyaoka,  Tokio,  Japan 
Otfried  Nippold,  Saarlouis,  France 


COUNCIL  OF  DIRECTION  OF  THE 
AMERICAN  ASSOCIATION  FOR  INTERNATIONAL 
CONCILIATION 


Lyman  Abbott,  New  York 
Edwin  A.  Alderman,  Charlottesville, 
Va. 

John  R.  Alpine,  Chicago,  III. 

Richard  Bartholdt,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 
George  Blumenthal,  New  York 
Clifton  R.  Breckenridge,  Eureka 
Springs,  Ark.\nsas 

William  J.  Bryan,  Lincoln,  Nebraska 
T.  E.  Burton,  New  York 
Nicholas  Murray  Butler,  New  York 
Richard  H.  Dana,  Boston,  Mass. 
Horace  E.  Deming,  New  York 
Gano  Dunn,  New  York 
Charles  W.  Eliot,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Austen  G.  Fox,  New  York 
Robert  A.  Franks,  Orange,  N.  J. 

John  P.  Frey,  Cincinnati,  Ohio 
Robert  G.^rrett,  Baltimore,  Md. 
Joseph  P.  Grace,  New  York 
William  Green,  Indianapolis,  Ind. 
William  J.  Holland,  Pittsburgh,  Pa. 
Hamilton  Holt,  New  York 
David  Starr  Jordan,  Stanford 
University,  Cal. 

J.  H.  Kirkland,  Nashville,  Tenn. 
Mrs.  James  Lees  Laidlaw,  New  York 
Thomas  W.  Lamont,  New  York 
Adolph  Lewisohn,  New  York 
Clarence  H.  Mackay,  New  York 


Theodore  Marburg,  Baltimore,  Md. 
Brander  Matthews,  New  York 
Silas  McBee,  New  York 
George  B.  McClellan,  Princeton,  N.  J. 
Andrew  J.  Montague,  Richmond,  Va. 

Mrs.  Philip  N.  Moore,  Washington,  D.  C. 
W.  W.  Morrow,  San  Francisco,  Cal. 
Stephen  H.  Olin,  New  York 
Mrs.  Percy  V.  Pennybacker,  New  York 
Henry  S.  Pritchett,  New  York 
Ira  Remsen,  Baltimore,  Md. 

James  Ford  Rhodes,  Boston,  Mass. 

Elihu  Root,  New  York 
J.  G.  Schurman,  Ithaca,  N.  Y. 

James  Brown  Scott,  Washington,  D.  C. 
Ch.\rles  Hitchcock  Sherrill,  New  York 
Mrs.  Seward  A.  Simons,  Los  Angeles,  Cal. 
James  L.  Slavtien,  San  Antonio,  Texas 
William  M.  Sloane,  Princeton,  N.  J. 
James  Speyer,  New  York 
Oscar  S.  Straus,  New  York 
Mrs.  Mary  Wood  Swift,  Berkeley,  Cal. 
George  W.  Taylor,  Demopolis,  Ala. 

O.  H.  Tittman,  Leesburg,  Va. 

W.  H.  Tolman,  New  York 
Charlemagne  Tower,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 
Edward  Tuck,  Paris,  France 
George  E.  Vincent,  New  York 
William  D.  Wheelwright,  Portland,  Ore. 
Mary  E.  Woolley,  South  Hadley,  Mass. 


